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Word order in the clause: Introduction

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For purposes of understanding the word order patterns within the Afrikaans clause, it is useful to divide the clause in various topological fields, with two verb positions as anchoring points. The earlier verb position in the clause is the second position, which is occupied by a finite verb, a main verb or non-main verb, and is conventionally termed verb-second and abbreviated to V2. The later position is conventionally termed verb-final and abbreviated to VF. It occurs towards the end of the clause, after phrasal constituents (NP arguments, PP arguments, AP complementives, adverbs as adverbials) that follow the verb-second, but there are constituents that may follow the final verb. In the (a) examples of (1) and (2), the finite main verbs kom comes and wen wins occupy the second position (V2), with no final verb, while in the (b) examples, the finite auxiliary verbs het has and kan can occupy the second position, while the final position is occupied by non-finite forms of the main verb: the past participle gekom come and infinitive wen (to) win.

Die Rand kom onder druk.

[(Clause) Die Rand [(V2) kom] onder druk]

the Rand come.PRS under pressure

The Rand comes under pressure.

Die Rand het onder druk gekom.

[(Clause) Die Rand [(V2) het] onder druk [(VF) gekom]]

the Rand have.AUX under pressure come.PST

The Rand has come under pressure.

Caster Semenya wen die wedloop.

[(Clause) Caster Semenya [(V2) wen] die wedloop]

Caster Semenya win.PRS the race

Caster Semenya wins the race.

Caster Semenya kan die wedloop wen.

[(Clause) Caster Semenya [(V2) kan] die wedloop [(VF) wen]]

Caster Semenya can.AUX the race win.INF

Caster Semenya can win the race.

Preceding the verb-second position is the clause-initial position, termed front field / Vorfeld by some. This position is most typically occupied by the subject, as illustrated in example (1) and (2), but topicalised constituents or interrogatives may also occupy this position in main clauses. Only a single constituent is allowed in the clause-initial position, which attracts textual prominence to that element. The middle field is the part between the verb-second and verb-final position. Any number of nominal and prepositional arguments, complementives and adverbials are found in the middle field. There is a relatively predictable order for these elements, with some flexibility as far as adverbial placement is concerned. The post-verbal field follows the verb-final position, and is also potentially occupied by arguments, complementives and adverbials, but with restrictions, such that nominal arguments are not allowed, while clausal constituents, irrespective of function, are usually found there, and prepositional constituents display most variability in their occurrence in the middle or post-verbal fields. Example (3) and (4) illustrate the three non-verbal fields: clause-initial, middle and post-verbal, abbreviated to CI, MF and PV respectively. In example (3a), it is shown that even if there is a single verb in the second position and no verb in the final position, the ordering relations between the middle field and post-verbal field otherwise remain the same. Example (4) shows that the topological fields remain constant even if a subject is not in the clause-initial position, in which case the subject is found in the middle field.

Dlamini doen ook 'n beroep op die regering om genderstudies in die onderwyskurrikulum in te sluit.

[(CI) [(SUB) Dlamini]] doen.PRS [(MF) [(ADV) ook] [(DO) 'n beroep] [(Compl) op die regering]] [PV [(ADV) om genderstudies in die onderwyskurrikulum in te sluit]]

Dlamini do.PRS also a call on the government for.COMP gender.studies in the education.curriculum in PTCL.INF enclose

Dlamini also calls on the government to include gender studies in the education curriculum.

Dlamini het ook 'n beroep op die regering gedoen om genderstudies in die onderwyskurrikulum in te sluit.

[(CI) [(SUB) Dlamini]] het [(MF) [(ADV) ook] [(DO) 'n beroep] [(COMPL) op die regering]] gedoen [PV [(ADV) om genderstudies in die onderwyskurrikulum in te sluit]]

Dlamini have.AUX also a call on the government do.PST for.COMP gender.studies in the education.curriculum in PTCL.INF enclose

Dlamini also called on the government to include gender studies in the education curriculum.

Op 'n stadium sal jy die werkboek moet inhandig vir assessering.

[(CI) [(ADV) op 'n stadium]] sal [(MF) [(SUB) jy] [(DO) die werkboek]] moet inhandig [(PV) [(ADV) vir assessering]]

at a stage will.AUX.MOD you the workbook must.AUX.MOD submit.INF for assessment

At some point, you will have to submit the workbook for assessment.

Position of the verbs in main clauses
Position of the verbs in dependent clauses
Clause-initial position in main clauses
Clause-initial position in dependent clauses
Word order in the middle field
Post-verbal field
Negation

[+]Position of the verbs in main clauses

A declarative main clause in Afrikaans has a verb in the second position. That verb is the main verb if the sentence has no auxiliary verb, as shown in example (5). If there is one or more non-main verbs in the sentence, then one of the auxiliary verbs will be in the second position, and all other verbs will be in the final position. If there is a single non-main verb, that non-main verb occupies the second position, and the main verb, in a non-finite form like past participle or infinitive, occupies the verb-final position, as shown in example (6).

Hulle sien Alexander elke week.

they see.PRS Alexander every week

They see Alexander every week.

Die boer verkoop die beeste aan die slagpale.

the farmer sell.PRS the cattle to the abattoir

The farmer sells the cattle to the abattoir.

Ons hoop op 'n beter toekoms.

we hope.PRS on a better future

We hope for a better future.

Hulle het Alexander elke week gesien.

they have.AUX Alexander every week see.PST

They have seen Alexander every week.

Die beeste word aan die slagpale verkoop.

the cattle be.AUX.PASS.PRS to the abattoir sell.PASS

The cattle are sold to the abattoir.

c.	Ons kan maar net hoop op 'n beter toekoms.
	we can.AUX.MOD but just hope.INF on a better future
	We can only hope for a better future.

c.'	Ons kan maar net op 'n beter toekoms hoop.
	we can.AUX.MOD but just on a better future hope.INF
	We can only hope for a better future.

Multiple verbs can cluster together in the verb final position. If there are multiple verbs, their typical order is modal verb > linking verb > main verb > past tense auxiliary, as illustrated by (7). Also see the discussion of the ordering of main and non-main verbs in main clauses and the linear order of verbs in verb clusters.

Ons sou gister wou begin terugry het.

we will.AUX.MOD.PRT yesterday want.to.AUX.MOD.PRT begin.LINK drive.back.INF have.AUX

We would have wanted to start driving back yesterday.

[+]Position of the verbs in dependent clauses

Verbs in dependent clauses are consistently clustered together in the verb-final position, and no verb occurs in the second position. The order of main and non-main verbs in the verb-final cluster is similar for dependent and main clauses, as illustrated by example (8). The early position occupied by the verb of the main clauses is occupied by a subordinator like a complementiser in the dependent clauses, such as dat that in example (8).

Die aanvanklike plan was [dat ons gister sou begin terugry het].

the original plan be.PST that.COMP we yesterday will.AUX.MOD.PRT begin.LINK drive.back.INF have.AUX

The original plan was that we would start to drive back yesterday.

Finite complement clauses in Afrikaans behave exceptionally in that they often allow for the verb-second position to be retained. This happens under specific conditions. With declarative complement clauses, when the overt complementiser dat is not present, the complement clause has a word order identical to the main clause, with an auxiliary verb in the second position, as illustrated by example (9). This option is widespread in Afrikaans, and is increasing in frequency over time at the expense of the variant with an overt complementiser, which is instantiated by example (8).

Ons het aanvanklik gedink [ons sou gister begin terugry het].

we have.AUX originally think.PST we will.AUX.MOD.PRT yesterday begin.LINK drive.back.INF have.AUX

We originally thought we would start driving back yesterday.

Barnes het gesê [Dale Steyn se besering was 'n groot terugslag].

Barnes have.AUX say.PST Dale Steyn PTCL.GEN injury be.PST a big setback

Barnes said Dale Steyn's injury was a major setback.

In spoken Afrikaans, it is also possible and widely attested, even if not grammatically acceptable in writing or formal spoken contexts, to use the overt complementiser dat with V2-word order, as illustrated by example (10).

Toe't hulle gevra [dat hy moet oorkom na Amandelboom].

then=have.AUX they ask.PST that.COMP he must.AUX.MOD over.come.INF to Amandelboom

Then they asked that he must come over to Amandelboom.

PCSA

Die boer dink [dat sy vee is nou in goeie hande].

the farmer think.PRS that.COMP his livestock be.PRS now in good hands

The farmer thinks his cattle are now in good hands.

PCSA

Interrogative complement clauses with a wh-interrogative in clause-initial position also allow for V2-word order similar to main clauses alongside verb-final word order with all the verbs clustered at the end of the clause. In spoken Afrikaans, the V2-variant of the wh-interrogative complement clause is dominant, but in formal, written Afrikaans the verb-final variant is dominant. Example (11) illustrates the two options.

jy sien [hoe vaal is die wêreld]

you see.PRS how dull be.PRS the world

you see how dull the world is

PCSA

...sodat jy kan sien [hoe goed jy Afrikaanse voorsetsels ken].

so.that you can see how well you Afrikaans prepositions know.PRS

...so that you can see how well you know Afrikaans prepositions

[+]Clause-initial position in main clauses

The clause-initial position in main clauses is most typically filled by the subject of a declarative clause, as illustrated by (12). The subject is then followed by a verb in the second position, followed by other arguments and complementives, with the possibilitiy of adverbials, after which the remaining verbs, if any, will follow.

Hy gaan sy boek klaar skryf.

he go.LINK his book finished write.INF

He is going to finish writing his book.

Hy het waarskynlik nooit hier gewoon nie.

he have.AUX probably never here live.PST PTCL.NEG

He probably never lived here.

Ek het gister lank met Rina gesels.

I have.AUX yesterday long with Rina chat.PST

I chatted with Rina yesterday for a long time.

The clause-initial position in Afrikaans can also be filled by another element of the declarative main clause, only one at a time, in which case we deal with topicalisation. The option of an adverbial in the initial position is quite widely attested in Afrikaans, as illustrated by (13). Adverbials of a range of structural types can occur clause-initially, and are then followed by the verb in second position, with the subject of the clause immediately after the verb in the middle field of the clause.

Op die hoewe gaan hy huise bou.

on the smallholding go.LINK he houses build.INF

On the smallholding, he is going to build houses.

Waarskynlik het hy simpatiek geluister.

probably have.AUX he sympathetically listen.PST

In all probability, he listened sympathetically.

Gister het ek goeie punte vir die toets behaal.

yesterday have.AUX I good marks for the test obtain.PST

Yesterday, I achieved good marks for the test.

Voordat sy die deur oopstoot, weet sy dit al.

before she the door open.push.PST know.PRS she it already

Before she pushes the door open, she already knows it.

Besides adverbials, objects and complementives can also occupy the clause-initial position. These options are relatively infrequent and quite clearly marked to assign thematic prominence to the fronted clause constituents. As is the case with initial adverbials, the subject will be positioned after the verb in the middle field if another constituent occupies the clause-initial position. Example (14) serves as illustration of topicalisation with constituents other than adverbials.

Die waterbak het hy regs van die tempel gesit.

the water.bowl have.AUX he right of the temple put.PST

The water bowl he put to the right of the temple.

Die haarlok het hy afgeknip nog voor die dooie kind se liggaampie al koud was.

the hair.lock have.AUX he off.cut.PST even before the dead child POSS body.DIM already cold be.PST

The hair lock he cut off even before the child's tiny body was cold.

Moeg het die koning en sy geselskap by die Jordaan aangekom.

Tired have.AUX the king and his party at the Jordan arrive.PST

Tired the king and his party arrived at the river Jordan.

Die Bybel, 1983, 2 Samuel 16:14

In wh-interrogative clauses, the phrase containing the interrogative element, such as an interrogative pronoun (wie who, wat what) or interrogative adverb (waar where, wanneer when, hoe how), occupies the initial position of the clause, followed by the first (finite) verb in second position, and then the remainder of the constituents (arguments, complementives, adverbials) in the middle field or occasionally in the post-verbal field. The examples in (15) illustrate some of the syntactic constituents that can occupy the clause-initial position when they are interrogative phrases.

Wie het die waterbak regs van die tempel gesit?

who have.AUX the water.bowl right of the temple put.PST

Who put the water bowel to the right of the temple?

Wat het hy van die dooie kind se liggaampie afgeknip?

what have.AUX he from the dead child POSS body.DIM off.cut.PST

What did he cut off from the dead child's tiny body?

Waar het die koning en sy geselskap aangekom?

where have the king and his party arrive.PST

Where did the king and his party arrive?

Vir watter toets het jy goeie punte behaal?

for which test have.AUX you good marks obtain.PST

For which test did you achieve good marks?

[+]Clause-initial position in dependent clauses

Dependent clauses in Afrikaans differ in word order from main clauses, with the exception of certain complement clauses that resemble the word order of main clauses (declarative complement clauses without an overt complementiser and wh-interrogative complement clauses in spoken Afrikaans). The subordinator – be that an overt complementiser or a subordinating conjunction – occupies the same position as the verb-second of the main clause. Elements from within the clause can generally not be used in the clause-initial position preceding the subordinator, with the exception of a wh-interrogative phrase. Thus, the subject follows the subordinator, and cannot precede it, and topicalisation of any other constituent of the clause is also excluded. The ungrammaticality of such options is illustrated by example (16) and (17). Also note that in example (17), topicalisation within the dependent clause to the position immediately after the complementiser or subordinator is excluded in Afrikaans, as shown by the corpus analysis of Biberauer (2002).

a.	Ek kan sien [dat hy doodbang is].
	I can.AUX.MOD see that.COMP he dead.afraid be.PRS
	I can see that he is petrified.
	HCSA

a.'	*Ek kan sien [hy dat doodbang is].
	I can.AUX.MOD see he that.COMP dead.afraid be.PRS
	I can see he that is petrified.

b.	[Omdat die somerreën nog nie geval het nie], was die veld dor.
	because the summer.rain yet not fall.PST have.AUX PTCL.NEG be.PST the field dry
	Because the summer rain had not yet fallen, the field was dry.
	HCSA

b.'	*[Die somerreën omdat nog nie geval het nie], was die veld dor.
	the summer.rain because yet not fall.PST have.AUX PTCL.NEG be.PST the field dry
	The summer rain because had not yet fallen, the field was dry.

a.	Ek sal wil sien [dat ons die Bok op die harte dra].
	I will.AUX.MOD want.to.AUX.MOD see.INF that.COMP we the Bok on the hearts carry.PRS
	I would like to see that we wear the Springbok logo on our heart.
	HCSA

a.'	*Ek sal wil sien [die Bok dat ons op die harte dra].
	I will.AUX.MOD want.to.AUX.MOD see.INF the Bok that.COMP we on the hearts carry.PRS
	I would like to see the Springbok logo that we wear on our heart.

a.''	*Ek sal wil sien [dat die Bok ons op die harte dra].
	I will.AUX.MOD want.to.AUX.MOD see.INF that.COMP the Bok we on the hearts carry.PRS
	I would like to see that the Springbok logo we wear on our heart.

b.	[Omdat die vet van witvis in die lewer gestoor word], is witvis besonder verteerbaar.
	because the fat of white.fish in the liver store.PASS be.AUX.PASS.PRS be.PRS white.fish exceptionally digestible
	Because the fat of white fish is stored in the liver, white fish is very digestible.
	HCSA

b.'	*[In die lewer omdat die vet van witvis gestoor word], is witvis besonder verteerbaar.
	in the liver because the fat of white.fish store.PASS be.AUX.PASS.PRS be.PRS white.fish exceptionally digestible
	In the liver because the fat of white fish is stored, white fish is very digestible.

b.''	*[Omdat in die lewer die vet van witvis gestoor word], is witvis besonder verteerbaar.
	because in the liver the fat of white.fish store.PASS be.AUX.PASS.PRS be.PRS white.fish exceptionally digestible
	Because in the liver the fat of white fish is stored, white fish is very digestible.

The one constituent that consistently occupies the initial position of a dependent clause in the same way that it occupies the initial position of a main clause, is a phrase containing a wh-interrogative element. In formal (and written) Afrikaans, the word order of the wh-interrogative clause is the same as other dependent clauses, with all verbs in the final position. However, in spoken Afrikaans, and less frequently in written Afrikaans, the wh-phrase is still followed by the first verb, then the middle field, with the remaining verbs in the verb-final cluster. Example (18) illustrates both variants, while more in-depth explanation of the word order variation is presented in the section on interrogative complement clauses.

Die glukemiese effek beskryf [hoe bloedglukose op voedsel reageer].

the glycemic effect describe.PRS how blood.glucose on food react.PRS

The glycemic effect describes how blood glucose reacts to food.

[Verb-final]

Ek luister [hoe praat die mense van oorlog].

I listen.PRS how speak.PRS the people of war

I hear how people speak of war.

PCSA

[Verb-second]

While complementisers are generally absent from finite wh-interrogative dependent clauses, there are cases in informal spoken Afrikaans where they do surface, as illustrated by the examples in (19). In most cases, as example (19a) illustrates, the informal variant lat that surfaces, rather than the more formal dat, as the complementiser in such informal uses. Furthermore, wh-interrogative phrases clearly precede the complementiser om in order (to) that is used in infinitive clauses, as illustrated by (20).

Ek weet nie waar lat sy is nie.

I know.PRS not where that.COMP she be.PRS PTCL.NEG

I don't know where she is.

PCSA

Ek het baie gekyk hoe dat hy wabande kort.

I have.AUX often look.PST how that.COMP he wagon.wheels need.PRS

I often saw how he needed wagon wheels.

PCSA

Hy weet waar om glase te kry.

he know.PRS where for.COMP glasses PTCL.INF get.INF

He knows where to get glasses.

Jy weet hoe om vir jouself te sorg.

you know.PRS how for.COMP for yourself PTCL.INF care.INF

You know how to look after yourself.

PCSA

In both cases with overt complementisers in the wh-interrogative complement clause, the middle field after the complementiser is otherwise unaffected, except for the gap where the wh-constituent would have been if it had been a non-interrogative phrase. All verbs follow the arguments, complementives and possible adverbials in the final position. Such cases provide evidence for the analysis that the complementiser is in the second position and that the wh-phrase does indeed precede the second position if both are present at the same time.

[+]Word order in the middle field

The middle field is the range of syntactic positions between the verb-second and verb-final position. Arguments, complementives and adverbials can all be positioned here. Arguments and complementives have relatively fixed positions in the linear order of the middle field, but adverbials are flexible, and can be inserted in a number of positions, except that they cannot precede the subject, if the subject is present. Syntactic complexity also plays a role, in that heavier constituents tend to be extraposed to the post-verbal position, with the exception of nominal arguments, that are consistently placed in the middle field.

The word order in the middle field is the same for main and dependent clauses in Afrikaans, with one exception that has a clearly noticeable effect on the surface, but is not theoretically significant. A declarative main clause has to have one constituent that precedes the verb in second position, whereas a dependent clause has a subordinator in the second position, and with the exception of wh-phrases that precede a complementiser (dat in finite clauses or om in infinitive clauses), no other constituent precedes the subordinator. Thus, one of the constituents that could otherwise have been in the middle field of a main clause is absent because it occupies the clause initial position, but otherwise, the general patterns and constraints on the ordering of constituents in the middle field is the same for main and dependent clauses. The similarity of word order in the main and dependent clauses is illustrated in example (21), where the middle field is enclosed in curly brackets.

Die feesgangers het {Oudtshoorn rooi} geverf.

[(SUB) Die feesgangers] [(V2) het] [(DO) Oudtshoorn] [(COMPLM) rooi] [(VF) geverf]

the festival.goers have.AUX Oudtshoorn red paint.PST

The festival goers painted Oudtshoorn red.

Hierdie jaar het {die feesgangers Oudtshoorn rooi} geverf.

[(ADV) Hierdie jaar] [(V2) het] [(SUB) die feesgangers] [(DO) Oudtshoorn] [(COMPLM) rooi] [(VF) geverf]

this year have.AUX the festival.goers Oudtshoorn red paint.PST

This year the festival goers painted Oudtshoorn red.

Oudtshoorn het {die feesgangers hierdie jaar rooi} geverf.

[(DO) Oudtshoorn] [(V2) het] [(SUB) die feesgangers] [(ADV) hierdie jaar] [(COMPLM) rooi] [(VF) geverf]

Oudtshoorn have.AUX the festival.goers this year red paint.PST

Oudtshoorn the festival goers painted red this year.

Volgens berig het {die feesgangers Oudtshoorn hierdie jaar rooi} geverf.

[(ADV) Volgens berig] [(V2) het] [(SUB) die feesgangers] [(DO) Oudtshoorn] [(ADV) hierdie jaar] [(COMPLM) rooi] [(VF) geverf het]

According report have.AUX the festival.goers Oudtshoorn this year red paint.PST

According to reports the festival goers painted Oudtshoorn red this year.

Die koerant berig dat {die feesgangers Oudtshoorn hierdie jaar rooi} geverf het.

[(MC) Die koerant berig] [(CC) [(COMP) dat] [(SUB) die feesgangers] [(DO) Oudtshoorn] [(ADV) hierdie jaar] [(COMPLM) rooi] [(VF) geverf het]]

the newspaper report.PRS that.COMP the festival.goers Oudtshoorn this year red paint.PST have.AUX

The newspaper reports that the festival goers painted Oudtshoorn red this year.

The nominal arguments of the clause are consistently ordered from subject to indirect object to direct object in the middle field. If the subject of the clause is not in the clause-initial position, it is consistently at the beginning of the middle field, and not even an adverbial is placed before the subject in the middle field. The direct object is the last of the nominal arguments, when present, while the indirect object, when it is realised by a noun phrase, precedes the direct object but follows the subject. These relative ordering relations are illustrated by the examples in (22).

a.	Sonder Ouma sou {ek nie die kind} kon grootmaak nie.
	without grandma will.AUX.MOD.PRT I not the child can.AUX.MOD.PRT raise.INF PTCL.NEG
	Without grandma, I would not have been able to raise the child.
	[(ADV) sonder Ouma] [(V2) sou] [(SUB) ek] [(NEG) nie] [(DO) die kind] [(VF) kon grootmaak] [(NEG) nie]
	PCSA, adjusted

a.'	Ek dink nie dat {ek die kind sonder Ouma} sou kon grootmaak nie.
	I think.PRS not that.COMP I the child without grandma will.AUX.MOD.PRT can.AUX.MOD.PRT raise.INF PTCL.NEG
	I don't think I would have been able to raise the child without grandma.
	[(MC) ek dink nie] [(CC) [(COMP) dat [(SUB) ek] [(DO) die kind] [(ADV) sonder ouma] [(VF) sou kon grootmaak] [(NEG) nie]]

b.	Toe het {ons hom 'n donasie} gegee.
	then have.AUX we him a donation give.PST
	Then we gave him a donation.
	[(ADV) toe] [(V2) het] [(SUB) ons] [(IO) hom] [(DO) 'n donasie] [(VF) gegee]
	PCSA, adjusted

b.'	Hulle sien dat {ons hom 'n donasie} gegee het.
	they see.PRS that.COMP we him a donation give.PST have.AUX
	They see that we gave him a donation.
	[(MC) hulle sien] [(COMP) dat] [(SUB) ons] [(IO) hom] [(DO) 'n donasie] [(VF) gegee het]

One variation on the order subject>indirect object>direct object occurs when the indirect object is not expressed by a noun phrase, but by a preposition phrase with the preposition aan to or vir for. When this happens, the direct object can follow the subject immediately, with the prepositional indirect object thereafter, as illustrated by example (23), although the order indirect object>direct object is still possible too. More detail is given in the discussion of the dative alternation.

Toe het {ons vir hom 'n donasie} gegee.

[(ADV) toe] [(V2) het] [(SUB) ons] [(IO) vir hom] [(DO) 'n donasie] [(VF) gegee]

then have.AUX we for him a donation give.PST

Then we gave him a donation.

Toe het {ons 'n donasie aan hom} gemaak.

[(ADV) toe] [(V2) het] [(SUB) ons] [(DO) 'n donasie] [(IO) aan hom] [(VF) gemaak]

then have.AUX we a donation for him made.PST

Then we made a donation to him.

Complementives can combine with a subject or a direct object, and are consistently positioned at the right edge of the middle field, after both subject and object. They are also positioned after any possible adverbials in the middle field, such that no adverbial can separate the complementive from the final verb cluster. Example (24) illustrates the position of complementives in the middle field relative to arguments and adverbials.

a.	Vroegoggend het {hulle die koffers in die kattebak} gesit.
	early.morning have.AUX they the suitcases in the boot put.PST
	Early that morning they put the suitcases in the boot.
	[(ADV) vroegoggend] [(V2) het] [(SUB) hulle] [(DO) die koffers] [(COMPLM) in die kattebak] [(VF) gesit]

a.'	Vroegoggend het {hulle vinnig die koffers in die kattebak} gesit.
	early.morning have.AUX they quickly the suitcases in the boot put.PST
	Early that morning they quickly put the suitcases in the boot.
	[(ADV) vroegoggend] [(V2) het] [(SUB) hulle] [(ADV) vinnig] [(DO) die koffers] [(COMPLM) in die kattebak] [(VF) gesit]

a.''	*Vroegoggend het {hulle die koffers in die kattebak vinnig} gesit.
	early.morning have.AUX they the suitcases in the boot quickly put.PST
	Early that morning they put the suitcases in the boot quickly.
	[(ADV) vroegoggend] [(V2) het] [(SUB) hulle] [(DO) die koffers] [(COMPLM) in die kattebak] [(ADV) vinnig] [(VF) gesit]

b.	Skielik het {hy bleek} gelyk.
	suddenly have.AUX he pale look.PST
	Suddenly he looked pale.
	[(ADV) skielik] [(V2) het] [(SUB) hy] [(COMPLM) bleek] [(VF) gelyk]

b.'	Na 'n koppie tee het {hy vinnig beter} gelyk.
	after a cup tea have.AUX he quickly better look.PST
	After a cup of tea, he quickly looked better.
	[(ADV) na 'n koppie tee] [(V2) het] [(SUB) hy] [(ADV) vinnig] [(COMPLM) beter] [(VF) gelyk]