Taalportaal - the digital language portal

Dutch1
Frisian
Saterfrisian
Afrikaans

Show all

1.3.1.5.Er-nominalization

quickinfo

Er-nominalization involves the formation of deverbal person nouns by means of one of the allomorphs of -er/-ster, and a number of other, less productive affixes. In contrast to the nominalization processes discussed in the previous sections, er-nouns do not inherit the denotation of the verb they are derived from; they denote persons, not states of affairs. They do, however, inherit the argument structure of the verb, and in this sense they can be said not to be fully nominal. This following subsection will discuss the form of the derived noun, its relation to the base verb and the restrictions on the derivational process. In Section 2.2.3.1, a comprehensive discussion of complementation of er-nouns can be found.

I. Form of the derived noun
II. Relation to the base verb
III. Restrictions on the derivational process
- A. Thematic role of the argument represented by the -er ending
- B. Type of input verb
  - 1. Monadic unaccusative verbs
  - 2. Inherently reflexive verbs
IV. The degree of verbalness/nominalness

[+] I. Form of the derived noun

Deverbal nouns denoting concrete objects can take a number of forms. The most productive form of noun formation is that by which so-called person nouns are derived. Normally, these deverbal nouns take the masculine ending -er (which is realized as -der if following an /r/), the feminine ending -ster, or one of their allomorphs (respectively, masculine -aar and feminine -eres and -aarster). Table 14 shows that other suffixes, both native and non-native, are also possible.

Table 14: Deverbal person nouns

suffix	input verb	derived form
Masc:-(d)er Fem:-ster/-eres	lezen‘to read’	lezer/lezeres‘reader’
	schrijven‘to write’	schrijver/schrijfster‘writer’
	verraden‘to betray’	verrader/verraadster‘traitor’
	uitvoeren‘to perform’	uitvoerder/uitvoerster‘performer’
Masc: -aar Fem: -aarster/-ares	bewonderen‘to admire’	bewonderaar(ster)‘admirer’
	knutselen‘to tinker’	knutselaar/—‘handyman’
	tekenen‘to draw’	tekenaar/ares‘artist’
	twijfelen‘to doubt’	twijfelaar/— ‘skeptic’
Masc: -(a)teur Fem: -(a)trice	inspecteren‘to inspect’	inspecteur/inspectrice‘inspector’
	redigeren‘to edit’	redacteur/redactrice‘editor’
	repareren‘to repair’	reparateur/—‘repairer’
Masc:-ator Fem: -atrice	organiseren‘to organize’	organisator/organisatrice‘organizer’
	illustreren‘to illustrate’	illustrator/illustratrice‘illustrator’
	improviseren ‘to improvise’	improvisator/improvisatrice ‘improviser’
Masc: -eur Fem: -euse	%chaufferen‘to drive’	chauffeur/chauffeuse‘chauffeur’
	regisseren ‘to direct (a movie)’	regisseur/regisseuse ‘(film) director’
	masseren‘to massage’	masseur/masseuse‘masseur’

Derived nouns of the type givenin Table 14 are always -neuter, and are typically used to denote professions (like schrijver'writer' or leraar teacher) or persons that habitually perform the action denoted by the verb (like twijfelaar'skeptic'), that is, they often receive a kind of “generic” interpretation.
Note that the use of the term masculine ending is slightly misleading in that the masculine forms are actually neutral forms, and can be used to denote both masculine and feminine individuals. For example, the referent set of the plural noun phrase de wandelaars in example (186a) may include female individuals. And the same thing is shown by the copular constructions in (186b&c), which were both taken from the internet.

186

a.		De wandelaars	vertrokken	na het ontbijt.
		the hikers	left	after breakfast

b.		Vier van de vijf lezers	zijn	vrouw.
		four out.of five readers	are	a.woman

c.		Marie/Zij	is een echte lezer.
		Marie/she	is a true reader

The unmarked use of the deverbal nouns in Table 14 is that of denoting +human entities, and for that reason they are normally labeled person nouns. These nouns have also been called agent nouns (or nomina agentis) or subject nouns because, in most cases, the individuals denoted by the noun are the agent of the input verb. Generally speaking, these terms succeed in accurately describing the set of nouns belonging to this class. The examples in (187a&b) show, however, that the suffix -er is special in that it can also derive nouns that denote non-human agents or instruments; the deverbal er-nouns in (187c) even have abstract denotations, that is, misser'miss' refers to the result of the event denoted by the input verb and uitglijder'slip/blunder' refers to the event itself. For this reason, we will not use the traditional terms given earlier, but simply refer to this class of nominalizations as deverbal er-nouns.

187

non-human agents: wekker'alarm clock'; zoemer'buzzer'

instruments: opener'opener'; waaier'fan'

abstract: misser'miss'; uitglijder'slip/blunder'

[+] II. Relation to the base verb

Concrete deverbal er-nouns can be said to inherit the argument structure of the input verb. The external (agentive) argument of the verb apparently disappears, but is actually expressed by the affix: it is the deverbal noun itself that denotes the agent of the action denoted by the input verb. Consequently, er-nouns derived from intransitive verbs like wandelen'to walk' in (188a) do not take any arguments: the sole argument of the input verb is represented by the suffix -er. Example (188b) shows that the nominal theme argument of a transitive verb like maken'to make' must be realized by means of a van-PP in the corresponding nominal construction. Example (188c) shows that if the input verb selects a PP-complement the same PP will be selected by the er-noun; cf. jagen op'to hunt for'.

188

schrijverN

a'.

de schrijver'the writer'

makerN (Theme)

b'.

de maker van het beeld'the maker of the statue'

jagerN (Theme)

c'.

een jager op groot wild'a hunter of big game'

[+] III. Restrictions on the derivational process

Although er-nominalization is a productive process with both intransitive and transitive verbs, there are a number of restrictions on its operation concerning the thematic role of the argument represented by the -er ending and the type of input verb. The discussion of these restrictions will follow Table 15, which presents a hierarchy of er-nominalizations in terms of the type of object denoted by the deverbal noun, the thematic role most likely to be represented by the er-noun and the type of input verb; the prototypical use of an er-nominalization is given at the top of the list, and the rare (often marginal) uses towards the bottom. Recall that the -human nouns can only be derived by affixation with -er.

Table 15: A hierarchy of the denotation of deverbal er-nominalizations

denotation	thematic role	±human	input verb	example
concrete	agent	+human	transitive intransitive	maker‘maker’ fietser‘cyclist’
		-human	transitive intransitive	wekker‘alarm clock’ zoemer‘buzzer’
	instrument	-human	transitive intransitive	opener‘opener’ waaier‘fan’
	experiencer	+human	transitive intransitive	bewonderaar‘admirer’ tobber‘worrier’
	theme	±human	transitive ?unaccusative	martelaar‘martyr’ stijger‘riser’
abstract (events)	—	-human	transitive unaccusative	misser‘miss’ uitglijder‘blunder’

The discussion starts with the thematic roles of the argument that can be expressed by the suffix. This is followed by a discussion of the restrictions on the input verbs.

[+] A. Thematic role of the argument represented by the -er ending

This subsection discusses the implied thematic relationships between the argument represented by the -er ending and the input verb.

[+] 1. Er-nouns denoting +human agents

The vast majority of deverbal er-nouns denote a +human object, which acts as the agent in the argument structure of the input verb. A representative set of examples has already been given in Table 14.

[+] 2. Er-nouns denoting -human (impersonal) agents

Less common are examples such as (189) where the deverbal er-noun represents a -human agent of the input verb. Nevertheless, these -human objects still perform the action denoted by the input verb and will, therefore, be referred to as impersonal agents; cf., e.g., Van der Putten (1997) and De Caluwe (1995). As illustrated in (189a-d), the input verb is usually transitive, although the intransitive input verb zoemen'to buzz' in (189e) is also possible.

189

a.		Deze tv-zender	zendt	popmuziek	uit.	cf. uitzenden 'to broadcast’
		This TV station	broadcasts	pop.music	prt.

b.		De wekker	wekte	hem	om 7 uur.	cf. wekken 'to wake up’
		the alarm clock	woke	him	at 7 oʼclock

c.		Deze versterker	versterkt	zonder vervorming.	cf. versterken 'to amplify’
		this amplifier	amplifies	without distortion

d.		Deze meter	meet	het gasverbruik.	cf. meten 'to measure’
		this meter	measures	the gas.consumption

e.		De zoemer	zoemde	erg luid.	cf. zoemen 'to buzz’
		the buzzer	buzzed	very loudly

er-nouns of this type do not allow complementation; although the input verbs may obligatorily contain a theme argument, this argument is not inherited by the er-nominalization. As a consequence, deverbal er-nouns denoting impersonal agents cannot be followed by a van-PP denoting the object of the base verb. This means that in the primeless examples of (190) the er-noun will receive its prototypical +human agentive interpretation; if this is not possible the result will be unacceptable. In (190a), for example, the noun een zender will be interpreted as denoting the person who sent the message; forcing a non-agentive interpretation, as in (190a'), leads to ungrammaticality. Similarly, een wekker in (190b) will be interpreted as a wake-up person, that is, a person who wakes up other people; alternatively, een wekker will be interpreted as an alarm clock belonging to lazy people, a reading that is more likely with a specific possessor like Jan in (190b').

190

a.		de zender	van het bericht
		the sender	of the message

a'.		de	pas	in gebruik genomen	zender	(*van het bericht)
		the	recently	into use put	transmitter	of the message

b.		een wekker	van luie mensen
		a wake.up-er	of lazy people

b'.		de wekker	van Jan
		the alarm.clock	of Jan

If the er-noun cannot receive a +human interpretation, its use with a theme complement is infelicitous. This is illustrated in (191).

191

a.		een geleider	(*van elektriciteit)
		a conductor	of electricity

b.		een versterker	(*van geluid)
		an amplifier	of sounds

Er-nouns denoting impersonal agents are quite common in compounds of the sort illustrated in (192). Given that the first member of the compound functions as an incorporated theme of the input verb (and keeping in mind the discussion of the examples in (190) and (191)), it will not come as a surprise that these nouns do not accept a van-PP expressing a theme. The er-nouns in (192) seem to be fully lexicalized in the sense that the “incorporated” theme is more or less fixed; the compound wasverzachter, for example, does not alternate with something like lakenverzachter, in which the theme (meaning “sheet”) is more specific. Furthermore, the second member often does not occur without the incorporated theme: *verzachter, *stiller, #koker.

192

a.	(?)	Deze wasverzachter	verzacht	mijn lakens.	cf. verzachten 'to soften’
		this fabric.softener	softens	my sheets

a'.		de wasverzachter	(*van mijn lakens)
		the fabric.softener	of my sheets

b.	(?)	De pijnstiller	stilt	de pijn in mijn hoofd.	cf. stillen 'to quiet/ease’
		the painkiller	eases	the pain in my head

b'.		de pijnstiller	(*van mijn hoofdpijn)
		the painkiller	of my headache

c.	??	De eierkoker	kookt	de eieren.	cf. koken 'to cook’
		the egg.cooker	cooks	the eggs

c'.		de eierkoker	(*van mijn scharreleieren)
		the egg.cooker	of my free range eggs

[+] 3. Er-nouns denoting instruments

There are also instances where it is not the external argument of the input verb that forms the denotation of the derived er-noun. In that case, it is usually the instrument used in performing the state of affairs that is denoted by the derived noun. Such nouns are especially common as the second member of compounds in which the first member functions as an incorporated theme of the input verb. Thus, the er-nouns in the primeless examples in (193) refer to instruments used for opening corked bottles, screwing screws, reporting a fire or playing a CD, respectively. That it is indeed an instrument that is referred to and not an impersonal agent becomes clear from the primed examples, which show that these er-nouns cannot themselves perform the action denoted by the input verb.

193

a.		de kurkentrekker	(*van deze kurk)	cf. trekken 'to pull’
		the corkscrew	of this cork

a'.	*	De kurkentrekker	trekt	de kurk	uit de fles.
		the corkscrew	pulls	the cork	from the bottle

b.		de schroevendraaier	(*van deze schroeven)	cf. draaien 'to turn’
		the screwdriver	of these screws

b'.	*	Deze schroevendraaier	draait	de schroeven	in de plank.
		this screwdriver	turns	the screws	into the board

c.		de brandmelder	(*van de brand)	cf. melden 'to report’
		the fire.reporter	of the fire

c'.	??	De brandmelder	meldt	een brand	bij de alarmcentrale.
		the fire.reporter	reports	a fire	at the emergency.center

d.		de CD-speler	(*van mijn nieuwe CD)	cf. afspelen 'to play’
		the CD-player	of my new CD

d'.	??	De CD-speler	speelt de CD	af.
		the CD player	plays the CD	prt.

The unacceptability of the primed examples in (193) probably resides in the fact that the verbs in question select a +human agent. This selection restriction can be overridden by adding an adverbial phrase like automatisch'automatically', as in (194), as a result of which these examples are acceptable.

194

a.		Deze kurkentrekker	trekt	de kurk	automatisch	uit de fles.
		this corkscrew	pulls	the cork	automatically	out.of the bottle

b.	Deze brandmelder	meldt	een brand	automatisch	bij de centrale.
	this fire.detector	reports	a fire	automatically	with the center
	'This detector automatically alerts the emergency center in case of a fire.'

c.		Deze CD-speler	speelt	de CD	automatisch	af.
		this CD-player	plays	the CD	automatically	prt.

The compound nouns in (193) exhibit more or less the same properties as those in (192); expressing the theme argument by means of a van-PP is impossible, the first member of the compound is more or less fixed, and the instrument er-noun often does not occur without the incorporated theme: #trekker, #draaier, #melder, #speler (note that all these nouns do have an agentive reading). The latter restriction is not absolute, however: (195) gives some instances of instrument nouns where incorporation need not take place. Note that here we are clearly not dealing with impersonal agents, given that the primed examples show that the instrument itself cannot perform the action denoted by the input verb. As with impersonal agents, explicit mention of the theme as argument of the derived noun yields an unacceptable result or forces an often improbable +human reading: the +human readings are marked by means of “#”.

195

a.		de (flessen)opener	(#van deze fles)	cf. openen 'to open’
		the bottle opener	of the bottle

a'.	*	De (flessen)opener	opent	de fles.
		the bottle opener	opens	the bottle

b.		de (was)knijpers	(#van mijn wasgoed)	cf. knijpen 'to pinch’
		the clothes.pegs	of my laundry

b'.	*	De (was)knijpers	hangen	het wasgoed	op.
		the clothes.pegs	put	the laundry	up

c.		de kijker	(*van/#naar de vogels)	cf. kijken 'to look’
		the viewer	of/to the birds

c'.	*	De kijker	kijkt	naar de vogels.
		the viewer	looks	at the birds

Note that it is possible to have a PP introduced by voor in examples like (195a&b); cf. (196a). In that case, however, the modifier is an adjunct rather than the theme of the underlying predication. This becomes clear from the fact, illustrated by the examples in (196b), that placement of the PP in postcopular position is possible, which is a hallmark of adjunct status; cf. Section 2.2.1, sub III.

196

a.		Die opener is alleen	voor dit soort flessen.
		this opener is only	for this type of bottles

b.		Deze knijpers	zijn	voor mijn wasgoed.
		these cloth.pegs	are	for my laundry

Finally, note that there are circumstances under which the er-nouns kijker and knijper can be used as subjects. Like many er-nouns, kijker has more than one meaning. In (195c) it has a -human reading, in which case it cannot be used as a subject of the verb kijken. If it denotes persons, it can be used as the subject of the verb kijken, as in (197a). Further, er-nouns denoting instruments can occasionally be used with other, less active verbs, as in (197b).

197

a.	Onze kijkers	kijken	graag	naar informatieve programmaʼs.
	our viewers	look	gladly	at informative programs
	'Our viewers like to watch informative programs.'

b.	Deze knijpers	houden	het wasgoed	goed vast.
	these clothes.pegs	keep	the laundry	well fixed
	'These clothes pegs keep the laundry securely fixed.'

The constructions in (198) with the instrument er-noun in subject position are also acceptable. However, the instrument does not function as the agent of the action denoted by the verb: we are dealing here with so-called adjunct middle constructions, which involve some implicit or generic agent for which it is easy/pleasant to perform the action denoted by means of the instrument specified; see Section V3.2.2 for detailed discussion of these constructions.

198

a.		Deze opener	opent	dat soort flessen	heel gemakkelijk.
		this opener	opens	that sort [of] bottles	very easily

b.		Deze kijker	kijkt	heel prettig.
		this viewer	looks	very pleasantly

[+] 4. Er-nouns denoting experiencers

Certain subject-experiencer verbs can also form the input to er-nominalization. In that case, it is the experiencer argument that is represented by the -er ending. Once again, the input verb can be either intransitive, as in example (199a), or transitive, as in example (199b). In the transitive example the theme argument is inherited by the derived noun.

199

a.		Jan tobt veel.
		Jan worries much

a'.		Jan is een echte tobber
		Jan is a real worrier

b.		Jan bewondert	Picasso.
		Jan admires	Picasso

b'.		Jan is een bewonderaar	van Picasso.
		Jan is an admirer	of Picasso

[+] 5. Er-nouns denoting themes

In addition to the cases discussed above, there are a number of rare and nonproductive occurrences like (200) in which the -er ending represents the theme argument. The noun martelaar in (200a) denotes the person undergoing the torture, while the noun aanrader in (200b) denotes the thing that is being recommended. The correct use of the noun gijzelaar in example (200c) is a subject of discussion: on its normative reading, it is used to refer to the hostages, that is, the theme of the action of kidnapping (for which Dutch also uses the deverbal noun gegijzelde); in colloquial speech, on the other hand, it is often used to refer to the kidnappers, that is, to the agent of the action (for which Dutch also uses the noun gijzelnemer).

200

martelaar

'martyr'

cf. martelen 'to torture’

aanrader

'something highly recommendable'

cf. aanraden 'to recommend’

gijzelaar

'hostage/kidnapper'

cf. gijzelen 'to kidnap’

The constructions in (201a&b) show that it is not possible to express the agent in these constructions by means of a van- or door-PP. Example (201a') suggests that the agent cannot be expressed by means of a possessive pronoun/genitive noun phrase either, although it seems difficult to determine whether Jan functions as the agent or as the possessor of the construction Jans aanrader in (201b'); if the latter, the unexpected acceptability of this construction is accounted for.

201

a.	*	de martelaar	van/door de RomeinenAgent
		the martyr	of/by the barbarians

a'.	*	hunAgent	martelaar
		their	martyr

b.	*	de aanrader	van/door JanAgent
		the recommend-er	of/by JanAgent

b'.	#	JansAgent	aanrader
		JanʼsAgent	recommend-er

The deverbal nouns in (200) exhibit behavior similar to deverbal nouns ending in -sel, which typically represent the theme argument: verzinsel'fabrication', baksel'baking', bouwsel'building/structure'; cf. Knopper (1984). For example, the construction with van in (202a) is only acceptable on a possessive reading; this becomes clear from the fact illustrated by (202b) that placement of the PP in postcopular position is possible, which is a hallmark of adjunct status; cf. Section 2.2.1, sub III.

202

a.	*?	het bouwsel	van/door	mijn broertjeAgent
		the building	of/by	my little brother

b.	Dit bouwsel	is van	mijn broertjePoss.
	this building	is of	my little brother
	'This is my littler brotherʼs building.'

[+] 6. Er-nouns denoting events

There are very rare cases in which er-nouns are used to refer to abstract entities. The actual denotation of these nouns may be either the result of the event denoted by the input verb or the event itself. Two examples are given in (203). The events involved are typically those involving actions over which the participants in the action have no control; cf. Van der Putten (