- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
In the preceding sections, we have restricted our attention to predicatively used adjectives with nominal subjects, such as Jan in (200a) and (201a). In addition, many adjectives can take a clausal subject, which is generally introduced by the anticipatory pronoun het'it'. The clausal subject can often be either finite or infinitival. Examples are given in (200b-c) and (201b-c); PRO in (200c) and (201c) stands for the implied subject of the infinitival clause.
a. | Jan is leuk. | |
Jan is nice |
b. | Het | is leuk | [dat | Marie mijn favoriete boek | leest]. | |
it | is nice | that | Marie my favorite book | reads | ||
'Itʼs nice that Marie is reading my favorite book.' |
c. | Het | is leuk | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen]. | |
it | is nice | comp | my favorite book | to read | ||
'Itʼs nice to read my favorite book.' |
a. | Ik | vind | Jan leuk. | |
I | consider | Jan nice |
b. | Ik | vind | het | leuk | [dat | Marie mijn favoriete boek | leest]. | |
I | consider | it | nice | that | Marie my favorite book | reads |
c. | Ik | vind | het | leuk | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen]. | |
I | consider | it | nice | comp | my favorite book | to read |
The reason to consider the clause in these examples as the subject of the adjective is that the semantic relation between leuk'nice' and Jan in (200a) and (201a) is similar to the semantic relation between leuk and the propositions expressed by the dependent clauses in (200b-c) and (201b-c): both the referent “Jan" and the events “Marie is reading my favorite book"/“PRO reading my favorite book" are considered to be part of the set denoted by leuk. This section is organized as follows, subsection I starts by discussing some general properties of constructions with a clausal subject, subsections II and III focus on adjectival constructions that contain a finite and an infinitival clausal subject, respectively. Section IV, finally, discusses two special cases: the easy-to-please-construction and modal infinitives.
- I. General properties
- A. The relation between the anticipatory pronoun and the clausal subject
- B. No anticipatory pronoun if the clausal subject is clause-initial
- C. Anticipatory pronoun is optional with clause-initial predicative adjectives
- D. The adjective and its clausal subject cannot be preposed as a whole
- E. The clausal subject follows the verb(s) in clause-final position
- A. The relation between the anticipatory pronoun and the clausal subject
- II. Finite clausal subjects
- III. Infinitival clausal subjects
- IV. Two special cases
This subsection discusses some general properties of adjectival constructions that contain a finite or infinitival clausal subject.
The dependent clauses in (200b-c) and (201b-c) are optional. Since logical subjects are normally obligatorily present, it is often assumed that, syntactically speaking, these clauses are not the real subjects of the adjective. That they are interpreted as the subject is due to their relation to the anticipatory pronoun het'it', which functions as the syntactic subject of the adjective. The relation between the pronoun and the clause is expressed by means of coindexation, as in (202).
a. | Heti | is leuk | [dat | Marie mijn favoriete boek | leest]i. | |
it | is nice | that | Marie my favorite book | reads |
a'. | Heti | is leuk | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen]i. | |
it | is nice | comp | my favorite book | to read |
b. | Ik | vind | heti | leuk | [dat | Marie mijn favoriete boek | leest]i. | |
I | consider | it | nice | that | Marie my favorite book | reads |
b'. | Ik | vind | heti | leuk | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen]i. | |
I | consider | it | nice | comp | my favorite book | to read |
The anticipatory pronoun functions like a “place-holder" for the subject clause, which is normally placed at the right edge of the matrix clause. This placeholder must be dropped, however, if the subject clause is placed in clause-initial position, as in (203). This provides additional evidence for the assumption that the clauses in (202) are the logical subjects of the adjective.
a. | [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest] | is | (*het) | leuk. | |
that Marie my favorite book reads | is | it | nice |
a'. | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek te lezen] | is | (*het) | leuk. | |
comp | my favorite book to read | is | it | nice |
b. | [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest] | vind | ik | (*het) | leuk. | |
that Marie my favorite book reads | consider | I | it | nice |
b'. | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen] | vind | ik | (*het) | leuk. | |
comp | my favorite book | to read | consider | I | it | nice |
It should be observed that, although the anticipatory pronoun het must be dropped in the (a)-examples of (203), the clausal subject does not occupy the regular subject position of the matrix clause, but the sentence-initial position that can be occupied by, for instance, wh-phrases and topicalized elements. This is clear from the fact that the clause cannot follow the finite verb in yes/no questions, and from the fact that preposing of the clause is not possible in embedded clauses. This is illustrated in (204) and (205), respectively.
a. | * | Is | [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest] | leuk? |
is | that Marie my favorite book reads | nice |
b. | * | Is | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen] | leuk? |
is | comp | my favorite book | to read | nice |
a. | dat | het | leuk | is | [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest]. | |
that | it | nice | is | that Marie my favorite book reads |
a'. | * | dat [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest] leuk is. |
b. | dat | het | leuk | is [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen]. | |
that | it | nice | is comp | my favorite book | to read |
b'. | * | dat [om PRO mijn favoriete boek te lezen] leuk is. |
Just as the clausal subject cannot occupy the regular subject position of the clause in the copular constructions above, it cannot occupy the regular object position of the clause in the vinden-construction either. This is shown in (206).
a. | * | Ik vind [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest] leuk. |
b. | * | Ik vind [om PRO mijn favoriete boek te lezen] leuk. |
Although examples (204) to (206) show that the clausal subjects in (203) clearly do not occupy the same position as the anticipatory pronouns in (202), the fact that the anticipatory pronoun het cannot be used in (203) strongly suggests that topicalization of the subject clauses does not take place in one fell swoop, but proceeds via the position occupied by the anticipatory pronoun het in (202); if so, this position is occupied by a trace of the clause, and consequently insertion of the “place-holder" cannot take place. We refer the reader to Den Dikken and Næss (1993) for arguments in favor of the claim that topicalization of clauses may proceed through the regular argument (subject or object) positions of the clause based on English and Norwegian Locative Inversion constructions.
If the adjective is preposed, as in (207), the anticipatory pronoun is optionally present, although the two cases differ slightly in intonation and meaning. If the anticipatory pronoun is present, it is followed by a short intonation break and the sentence simply expresses that the event the clausal subject refers to can be characterized by means of the adjective leuk'nice'. If the anticipatory pronoun is absent, on the other hand, there is no intonation break and the sentence expresses that from among the things under discussion the event expressed by the subject clause can be characterized as leuk'nice'; the sentence is contrastive, as is clear form the fact that the adjective must be assigned contrastive accent in this case.
a. | Leuk | is | (het) | [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest]. | |
nice | is | it | that Marie my favorite book reads |
a'. | Leuk | is | (het) | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen]. | |
nice | is | it | comp | my favorite book | to read |
b. | Leuk | vind | ik | (het) | [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest]. | |
nice | consider | I | it | that Marie my favorite book reads |
b'. | Leuk | vind | ik | (het) | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen]. | |
nice | consider | I | it is | comp | my favorite book | to read |
The examples in (208) show that the adjective and the clausal subject cannot be preposed as a whole (although for some speakers these examples are acceptable if the adverb niet is assigned heavy accent). This suggests that the adjective and the clausal subject do not form a constituent.
a. | *? | Leuk | [dat | Marie mijn favoriete boek | leest] | is (het) | niet. |
nice | that | Marie my favorite book | reads | is it | not |
a'. | * | Leuk | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen] | is (het) | niet. |
nice | comp | my favorite book | to read | is it | not |
b. | *? | Leuk [dat | Marie mijn favoriete boek | leest] | vind | ik | (het). |
nice that | Marie my favorite book | reads | consider | I | it |
b'. | * | Leuk | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen] | vind | ik | (het). |
nice | comp | my favorite book | to read | consider | I | it |
There is, however, one exception to this general rule: adjectives that take an interrogative clause as their subject if they are negated do allow topicalization of this kind. This will be discussed in Subsection II.
That the adjective and the clausal subject do not form a constituent is also suggested by the fact that the clausal subject is not adjacent to the adjective in embedded clauses but obligatorily follows the verb(s) in clause-final position. This is demonstrated in (209) and (210).
a. | dat | het | leuk | is [dat | Marie mijn favoriete boek | leest]. | |
that | it | nice | is that | Marie my favorite book | reads |
a'. | * | dat het leuk [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest] is. |
b. | dat | het | leuk | is | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen]. | |
that | it | nice | is | comp | my favorite book | to read |
b'. | * | dat het leuk [om PRO mijn favoriete boek te lezen] is. |
a. | dat | ik | het | leuk | vind | [dat | Marie mijn favoriete boek | leest]. | |
that | I | it | nice | consider | that | Marie my favorite book | reads |
a'. | * | dat ik het leuk [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest] vind. |
b. | dat | ik | het | leuk | vind | [om PRO | mijn favoriete boek | te lezen]. | |
that | I | it | nice | consider | comp | my favorite book | to read |
b'. | * | dat ik het leuk [om PRO mijn favoriete boek te lezen] vind. |
This subsection focuses on adjectives that take a finite clausal subject. It will be shown that these adjectives must be divided into two classes on syntactic grounds; cf. Bennis (2004). Some care is needed while reading this subsection, since much of what is discussed here is still under investigation, and speakers of Dutch tend to have different judgments on the examples discussed.
We have seen that some adjectives, like leuk in (200), may take either a nominal or a clausal subject. Another example is given in (211). The fact that, as with leuk, the subject clause is optional with duidelijk suggests that the anticipatory pronoun functions as the syntactic subject of the adjective. The coindexing between the anticipatory pronoun het and the finite clause in (211b&c) is again used to express that the clause functions as the logical subject of the adjective.
a. | Het voorstel | is (mij) | eindelijk | duidelijk. | |
the proposal | is me | finally | clear | ||
'The proposal is finally clear to me.' |
b. | Heti | is eindelijk | duidelijk | ([dat | Jan de baan | zal | krijgen]i). | |
it | is finally | clear | that | Jan the job | will | get | ||
'Itʼs finally clear that Jan will get the job.' |
c. | Ik | acht | heti | wel | duidelijk | ([dat | Jan de baan | zal | krijgen]i). | |
I | consider | it | prt | clear | that | Jan the job | will | get | ||
'I consider it clear that Jan will get the job.' |
Constructions with duidelijk also act as expected with respect to the other properties discussed in Subsection I: the (a)-examples in (212) and (213) show that the anticipatory pronoun must be dropped if the subject clause occupies the sentence-initial position; the (b)-examples that the anticipatory pronoun is optional if the adjective occupies the sentence-initial position; the (c)-examples that the adjective and the clausal subject cannot be preposed as a whole; and the (d)-examples, finally, that the clausal subject must follow the verb(s) in clause-final position.
a. | [Dat | Jan de baan | zal | krijgen] | is | (*het) | eindelijk | duidelijk. | |
that | Jan the job | will | get | is | it | finally | clear |
b. | Duidelijk is (het) eindelijk [dat Jan de baan zal krijgen]. |
c. | *? | Duidelijk [dat Jan de baan zal krijgen] is (het) eindelijk. |
d. | dat het eindelijk duidelijk is [dat Jan de baan zal krijgen]. |
d'. | * | dat het eindelijk duidelijk [dat Jan de baan zal krijgen] is. |
a. | [Dat | Jan de baan | zal | krijgen] | acht | ik | (*het) | wel | duidelijk. | |
that | Jan the job | will | get | consider | I | it | prt | clear |
b. | Duidelijk acht ik (het) wel [dat Jan de baan zal krijgen]. |
c. | * | Duidelijk [dat Jan de baan zal krijgen] acht ik (het) wel. |
d. | dat ik het wel duidelijk acht [dat Jan de baan zal krijgen]. |
d'. | * | dat ik het wel duidelijk [dat Jan de baan zal krijgen] acht. |
There are, however, also various differences between the two adjectives leuk and duidelijk, which will be discussed in the following subsections.
There is a conspicuous difference between the examples in (200b) and (211b), in which the anticipatory pronoun is the nominative subject of the sentence: when the anticipatory pronoun het follows the finite verb in second position, as in the primeless examples in (214), it can be dropped if the adjective is duidelijk, but not if the adjective is leuk. A similar difference can be observed in the primed examples, where the clause containing the anticipatory pronoun is embedded.
a. | Natuurlijk | is *(het) | leuk | [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest]. | |
of course | is it | nice | that Marie my favorite book reads |
a'. | dat | *(het) | leuk | is [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest]. | |
that | it | nice | is that Marie my favorite book reads |
b. | Eindelijk | is (het) | duidelijk | [dat Jan de baan moet krijgen]. | |
finally | is it | clear | that Jan the job must get |
b'. | dat | (het) | duidelijk | is [dat Jan de baan zal krijgen]. | |
that | it | clear | is that Jan the job will get |
In the vinden-constructions the anticipatory pronoun is normally obligatorily present, as is demonstrated in (215). In officialese, however, the anticipatory pronoun can be dropped if the verb achten is used. This is shown in (216).
a. | Natuurlijk | vind | ik | *(het) | leuk | [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest]. | |
of course | consider | I | it | nice | that Marie my favorite book reads |
a'. | dat | ik | *(het) | leuk | vind | [dat Marie mijn favoriete boek leest]. | |
that | I | it | nice | consider | that Marie my favorite book reads |
b. | Nu | vindt | ook Peter *?(het) | duidelijk | [dat Jan de baan moet krijgen]. | |
now | considers | also Peter it | clear | that Jan the job must get |
b'. | dat | ook Peter | *?(het) | duidelijk | vindt | [dat Jan de baan zal krijgen]. | |
that | also Peter | it | clear | considers | that Jan the job will get |
dat | het hof | bewezen | acht | [dat ...] | ||
that | the court | proved | considers | that | ||
'that the court considers it proven that ...' |
Another difference between the adjectives leuk and duidelijk is that if the adjective is negated, the declarative subject clause can be replaced by a dependent interrogative clause in the case of duidelijk, but not in the case of leuk. This is illustrated in (217) by means of the contrast between the (a)- and (b)-examples. Note that the (b)-examples are acceptable regardless of whether negation is expressed syntactically by the negative adverb niet'not' or morphologically by the negative prefix on-.
a. | * | Het | is niet | leuk | [of | Marie mijn favoriete boek | leest]. |
it | is not | nice | whether | Marie my favorite book | reads |
a'. | * | Ik | vind | het | niet | leuk | [of | Marie mijn favoriete boek | leest]. |
I | consider | it | not | nice | whether | Marie my favorite book | reads |
b. | Het | is onduidelijk/niet duidelijk | [of | Jan de baan | zal krijgen]. | |
it | is unclear/not clear | whether | Jan the job | will get | ||
'Itʼs unclear/not clear whether Jan will get the job.' |
b'. | Ik | vind | het | nog | onduidelijk/niet duidelijk | [of Jan de baan zal krijgen]. | |
I | consider | it | still | unclear/not clear | whether Jan the job will get | ||
'I consider it still unclear/not clear whether Jan will get the job.' |
Note in passing that adjectives that are morphologically derived from verbs that select a dependent interrogative clause, such as twijfelachtig'uncertain' (derived from twijfelen'to doubt'), must take an interrogative complement.
Het is twijfelachtig | [of | Marie mijn favoriete boek | leest]. | ||
it is uncertain | whether | Marie my favorite book | reads |
Given that dependent interrogative clauses typically occur as complements of certain verbs, it is normally assumed that they are selected: the examples in (217) therefore suggest that the clausal subjects in the (b)-examples are complements of the adjective. In other words, adjectives like (on)duidelijk are the counterparts of unaccusative verbs like vertrekken'to leave' in the sense that their clausal subjects are DO-subjects (internal arguments). There are at least two additional arguments in favor of this suggestion.
If the finite clauses in the (b)-examples in (217) are DO-subjects of the adjective (on)duidelijk, the two make up a constituent. Consequently, we expect that the two can be moved into clause-initial position (provided, at least, that this constituent is not split by movement). This expectation is indeed borne out; consider the data in (219).
a. | Het | is nog | steeds | niet | duidelijk | [of | Jan de baan | zal | krijgen]. | |
it | is prt | still | not | clear | whether | Jan the job | will | get |
a'. | Duidelijk | [of Jan de baan zal krijgen] is het nog steeds niet. |
b. | Het | is nog | steeds | onduidelijk | [of | Jan de baan | zal | krijgen]. | |
it | is prt | still | unclear | whether | Jan the job | will | get |
b'. | ? | Onduidelijk [of Jan de baan zal krijgen] is het nog steeds. |
The fact that (219a') is acceptable suggests that the adjective and the finite clause indeed form a constituent. Example (219b') seems somewhat degraded, but improves considerably if it is part of a larger structure: Onduidelijk of Jan de baan zal krijgen is het nog steeds, maar we hopen er morgen meer over te horen'It is still unclear whether Jan will get the job, but we hope that we will hear more about it tomorrow'. Recall that the examples in (208) have already shown that adjectives like leuk do not allow topicalization of this type.
A potential problem for concluding that duidelijk (always) has a DO-subject is that topicalization of the adjective and the finite clause is excluded if the latter is introduced by the declarative complementizer dat'that'. This was illustrated in (212c). For completeness’ sake, observe that the pronoun het is obligatorily present in the primed examples in (219), unlike what is the case if the adjective or finite clause is topicalized in isolation; cf. the examples in (212a&b).
A second argument in favor of the assumption that duidelijk takes a DO-subject is that, for at least some speakers, duidelijk allows wh-extraction from the finite clause. Since wh-extraction is possible from complement clauses only, this supports the claim that duidelijk takes a DO-subject. Example (220a) shows that adjectives like leuk do not allow wh-extraction, but we cannot conclude from this that leuk does not take a DO-subject; example (220b) shows that in the case of duidelijk, wh-extraction from the finite clause requires that the anticipatory pronoun het be dropped. The pronoun het is, however, obligatory with leuk and it is for this reason that wh-extraction is excluded. For the same reason, wh-extraction is never possible in vinden-constructions such as (220c) because in this construction the pronoun het is likewise obligatory.
a. | * | Wati | is (het) | leuk | [dat Marie ti | leest]? |
what | is it | nice | that Marie | reads |
b. | Wati | is (*het) | duidelijk | [dat Jan ti | zal | krijgen]? | |
what | is it | clear | that Jan | will | get |
c. | * | Wati | vind | je | (het) | duidelijk | [dat Jan ti | zal | krijgen]? |
what | consider | you | it | clear | that Jan | will | get |
A final difference between leuk and duidelijk is that only the latter can be used in a resultative construction. However, this is probably not related to the difference discussed in B, but to the fact that duidelijk optionally selects a dative argument: an adjective like evident'obvious', which is probably of the same type as duidelijk (see Table 2) but does not select an additional argument, cannot enter the resultative construction either.
a. | * | Peter maakte | (het) | leuk | [dat Jan de baan krijgt]. |
Peter made | it | nice | that Jan the job gets |
b. | Peter maakte | (het) | ons | duidelijk | [dat Jan de baan krijgt]. | |
Peter made | it | us | clear | that Jan the job gets | ||
'Peter made it clear to us that Jan will get the job.' |
c. | * | Peter maakte | (het) | evident | [dat Jan de baan krijgt]. |
Peter made | it | obvious | that Jan the job gets |
When we consider the class of adjectives that may take a finite clause as their logical subject, it is not always easy to determine to which type they belong. This is largely due to the fact that those adjectives that allow dropping of the anticipatory pronoun in constructions such as (214) do not always allow an interrogative clause in negative contexts. Further, results of the wh-extraction test are not always clear since many speakers do not readily allow it anyway. Table 2 provides the results for a small sample of adjectives. In this table pronoun-drop indicates whether the anticipatory pronou