- Dutch1
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
This section discusses the so-called causative alternation. Example (305) provides a typical example of the causative alternation with the verb breken'to break'. The core property of this alternation is that the object of the transitive construction in (305a) corresponds to the subject of the monadic construction in (305b). The verb in the monadic construction is unaccusative, as is clear from the fact that it takes the auxiliary zijn'to be' in the perfect tense.
a. | Jan breekt | de vaasacc. | |
Jan breaks | the vase |
b. | De vaasnom | breekt. | |
the vase | breaks |
b'. | De vaas | is/*heeft | gebroken. | |
the vase | is/has | broken |
The alternation is semantically characterized by the fact that the transitive verb is causative in nature: it expresses that its subject causes the change of state denoted by the unaccusative verb. This is also reflected in that the transitive construction entails the unaccusative construction: the truth of the assertion that Jan breaks the vase entails that the vase breaks. The inverse does not hold.
The alternation in (305) is sometimes also referred to as the causative-inchoative alternation given that the unaccusative verb is often taken to denote the beginning of some process. Example (306) shows, however, that the monadic verb can also be an accomplishment.
a. | Jan verbrandde | het boek. | |
Jan burned | the book |
b. | Het boek | verbrandde. | |
the book | burned |
b'. | Het boek | is | verbrand. | |
the book | has | burned |
In fact, the examples in (307) and (308) show that the unaccusative verbs partaking in the alternation need not necessarily be telic, that is, denote an accomplishment or an achievement; they can also be atelic, that is, denote an activity, as in (307), or a state, as in (308). The only thing that seems to be relevant is that the subject of the transitive construction can be seen as the originator of the state of affairs denoted by the unaccusative verb; see Section 1.2.3, sub II, for a discussion of this notion.
a. | Marie kookt | de aardappels. | |
Marie boils | the potatoes |
b. | De aardappels | koken. | |
the potatoes | boil |
b'. | De aardappels | hebben | gekookt. | |
the potatoes | have | boiled |
a. | Jan hangt | het schilderij | aan de muur. | |
Jan hangs | the painting | on the wall |
b. | Het schilderij | hangt | aan de muur. | |
the painting | hangs | on the wall |
b'. | Het schilderij | heeft | aan de muur | gehangen. | |
the painting | has | on the wall | hung |
Observe that we have called the monadic verbs in the (b)-examples in (307) and (308) unaccusative despite the fact that they take the auxiliary hebben in the perfect tense; the reason is that selection of zijn is a sufficient but not a necessary condition for assuming unaccusativity, but is also sensitive to the aspectual properties of the verb; see Section 2.1.2, sub III, for the claim that an unaccusative verb must be telic in order to be able to select zijn and Section 2.2.3, sub IIB/Section 2.2.3, sub IIC, for evidence that the verbs in question are in fact unaccusatives.
It may also be useful in this connection to point out that a transitive verb like drogen'to dry' can be construed as either an atelic or a telic state of affairs. This is clear from adverb selection; cf. Section 1.2.3, sub I. The acceptability of the adverb urenlang'for hours' in the (a)-examples in (309) shows that drogen can be construed as atelic and that the corresponding unaccusative construction likewise refers to an atelic state of affairs. The acceptability of the adverbial phrase binnen een uur'within an hour' in the (b)-examples shows that transitive drogen can also be used as an achievement, which is reflected in that the corresponding unaccusative construction can also be used to denote a telic state of affairs. Note that the (non-)telicity of the unaccusative verb determines whether the perfect auxiliary surfaces as hebben or zijn.
a. | Peter heeft | de was | urenlang | gedroogd. | |
Peter has | the laundry | for hours | dried | ||
'Peter has dried the laundry for hours.' |
a'. | De was | heeft | urenlang | gedroogd. | |
the laundry | has | for hours | dried | ||
'The laundry has dried for hours.' |
b. | Peter heeft | de was | binnen een uur | gedroogd. | |
Peter has | the laundry | within an hour | dried | ||
'Peter has dried the laundry within an hour.' |
b'. | De was | was binnen een uur | gedroogd. | |
the laundry | was within an hour | dried | ||
'The laundry had dried within an hour.' |
The examples in (310) and (311) show that the causative alternation is also possible with verbs taking an adjectival or prepositional complementive; the complementive can also be a verbal particle.
a. | Els sloeg | de deuracc | dicht. | |
Els slammed | the door | shut | ||
'Els slammed the door.' |
b. | De deur | sloeg | dicht. | |
the door | slammed | shut |
b'. | De deur | is | dicht | geslagen. | |
the door | has | shut | slammed |
a. | Jan reed | de auto | in de sloot/weg. | |
Jan drove | the car | into the ditch/away | ||
'Jan drove the car into the ditch/away.' |
b. | De auto | reed | in de sloot/weg. | |
the car | drove | into the ditch/away | ||
'The car drove into the ditch/away.' |
b'. | De auto | is | in de sloot/weg | gereden. | |
the car | has | into the ditch/away | driven |
Examples like (310) and (311) therefore show that the subject in the corresponding unaccusative construction need not be an internal argument of the verb itself, but can also be introduced in the structure as the subject of a complementive. This means that the causative alternation resembles regular passive and regular middle constructions in that it is the accusative object (and not necessarily the internal theme argument) of the transitive verb that surfaces as the subject of the corresponding construction. Given that neither causative alternation nor middle formation is reflected by the verb form, it may be difficult to distinguish the two constructions. We will not address this issue here, but refer the reader to Section 3.2.2.2, sub II, for a discussion of some differences between the two constructions.
Example (312) provides a small sample of verbs entering the causative alternation.
Verbs participating in the causative alternation: afbreken'to break off', bakken'to bake', bewegen'to move', braden'to fry', branden'to burn', buigen'to bend', doven'to extinguish', drogen'to dry', fruiten'to fry', (rond)draaien'to turn (around)', genezen'to heal', (in)scheuren'to tear (in)', koken'to cook', kreukelen'to crinkle', omdraaien'to turn around', ontwapenen'to disarm', opknappen'to recover/patch up', oplossen'to solve', opvrolijken'to cheer up', rollen'to roll', (weg) rijden'to drive/ride (away)', (dicht)slaan'to slam (shut)', sluiten'to close', smelten'to melt', splitsen'to split', stomen'to steam', stuiteren'to bounce', uitrekken'to stretch', veranderen'to change', verbranden'to burn', verbeteren'to improve', verdampen'to evaporate', verdrinken'to drown', verdubbelen'to double', verslijten'to wear out', versmallen'to narrow-to become narrower', versnellen'to speed up', vertragen'to slow down', verzachten'to soften', verzwakken'to weaken', vouwen'to fold'Verbs participating in the causative alternation: afbreken'to break off', bakken'to bake', bewegen'to move', braden'to fry', branden'to burn', buigen'to bend', doven'to extinguish', drogen'to dry', fruiten'to fry', (rond)draaien'to turn (around)', genezen'to heal', (in)scheuren'to tear (in)', koken'to cook', kreukelen'to crinkle', omdraaien'to turn around', ontwapenen'to disarm', opknappen'to recover/patch up', oplossen'to solve', opvrolijken'to cheer up', rollen'to roll', (weg) rijden'to drive/ride (away)', (dicht)slaan'to slam (shut)', sluiten'to close', smelten'to melt', splitsen'to split', stomen'to steam', stuiteren'to bounce', uitrekken'to stretch', veranderen'to change', verbranden'to burn', verbeteren'to improve', verdampen'to evaporate', verdrinken'to drown', verdubbelen'to double', verslijten'to wear out', versmallen'to narrow-to become narrower', versnellen'to speed up', vertragen'to slow down', verzachten'to soften', verzwakken'to weaken', vouwen'to fold' |
The verbs in (312) are all unaccusative, but we find a similar alternation with the verb leren'to learn/teach' in (313). If non-causative leren'to learn' in (313b) is an undative verb, as was suggested in Section 1.2.4, sub IIB, this case suggests that the causative alternation is the result of adding an external argument to an otherwise unaccusative or undative verb.
a. | Marie leert | Jan de fijne kneepjes | van het vak. | |
Marie teaches | Jan the fine tricks | of the trade | ||
'Marie is teaching Jan the tricks of the trade.' |
b. | Jan leert | de fijne kneepjes | van het vak. | |
Jan learns | the fine tricks | of the trade | ||
'Jan is learning the tricks of the trade.' |
The causative alternation is generally not reflected by means of a change in the morphological shape of the verb. There is, however, a small set of causative verbs where the unaccusative and causative transitive do differ in morphological form; examples are the locational verbs zetten'to put' and zitten'to sit', and leggen'to put' and liggen'to lie' in (314a&b). A non-locational pair is given in (314c).
a. | Jan | legt | het boekacc | op de plank. | |
Jan | puts | the book | on the shelf | ||
'Jan is putting the book on the shelf.' |
a'. | Het boeknom | ligt | op de plank. | |
the book | lies | on the shelf | ||
'The book is lying on the shelf.' |
b. | Jan zet | hemacc | *(in de stoel). | |
Jan puts | him | in the chair | ||
'Jan is placing him in the chair.' |
b'. | Hijnom | zit | *(in de stoel). | |
he | sits | in the chair | ||
'Heʼs sitting in the chair.' |
c. | Marie velt de boomacc. | |
Marie fells the tree | ||
'Mary is felling the tree.' |
c'. | De boomnom | valt. | |
the tree | falls | ||
'The tree is falling.' |
These forms are not related by some synchronic morphological process, as is clear from the fact that the relation involves the otherwise unproductive process of vowel change (Ablaut); the causative forms in the primeless examples take an /ɛ/, whereas the corresponding unaccusative forms in the primed examples take an /I/ or an /ɑ/. That the morphological relation is not productive is also suggested by the fact that the causative verb zetten has yet another non-causative variant, the locational verb staan'to stand' in (315b), which is not morphologically related to it.
a. | Jan zet | het boekacc | op de plank. | |
Jan puts | the book | onto the shelf |
b. | Het boeknom | staat/*zit | op de plank. | |
the book | stands/sits | on the shelf |
Furthermore, it seems that the type of causativization expressed by vowel change differs from the type of causativization discussed earlier: whereas the non-causative versions of the verbs in (312) are all unaccusatives, the (a)-examples in (316) show that the non-causative form can be intransitive in the Ablaut case. In this respect, the Ablaut case rather resembles the syntactic laten causative in the (b)-examples.
a. | Marie | drenkt | het vee. | |
Marie | waters | the cattle | ||
'Marie is watering the cattle.' |
a'. | Het vee | drinkt. | |
the cattle | drinks | ||
'The cattle is drinking.' |
b. | Peter laat | mijacc | lachen. | |
Peter let | me | laugh | ||
'Peter makes me laugh.' |
b'. | Ik | lach. | |
I | laugh | ||
'Iʼm laughing.' |
We can further note that in many cases in which English allows a causative alternation Dutch must appeal to the laten causative. The examples in (317), for instance, show that Dutch does not have Levin's (1993:31) class of induced action alternations; the intended assertion can only be expressed by means of a complex laten-construction.
a. | Het paard | sprong | over het hek. | |
the horse | jumped | over the fence |
b. | * | Jan sprong | het paard | over het hek. |
Jan jumped | the horse | over the fence | ||
Intended reading: 'Jan jumped the horse over the fence.' |
c. | Jan liet | het paard | over het hek | springen. | |
Jan made | the horse | over the fence | jump | ||
'Jan made the horse jump over the fence.' |
To conclude, we want to show that Dutch also has the causative alternation in (318), in which the transitive verb in (318a) can be seen as the causative counterpart of the inherently reflexive verb in (318b).
a. | Jan verspreidde | het gerucht. | |
Jan spread | the rumor |
b. | Het gerucht | verspreidde | *(zich). | |
the rumor | spread | refl |
Section 2.5.2, sub II, discusses some differences between the alternation that the verbs in (312) enter into and the one exemplified in (318). It is suggested there that the two types of alternation differ in that the former is a process of causativization, which derives causative transitive verbs from unaccusative verbs, whereas the latter is a process of anti-causativization, which derives inherently reflexive inchoative verbs from causative transitive verbs.
- 1993English verb classes and alternationsChicago/LondonUniversity of Chicago Press