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3.3.2.4.2.Conjunctive coordination (en'and')
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If two noun phrases coordinated by the conjunction en'and' are followed by a restrictive relative clause, the latter may be taken to modify either the second conjunct only or both conjuncts together. This ambiguity seems to apply regardless of the definiteness or the number (singular or plural) of the conjuncts, although there are constructions and contexts that exclude one of the readings, and in some cases there also seem to be variations in judgments among native speakers. Subsections I and II, start by discussing constructions involving a coordinated antecedent with conjuncts that match in number, that is, cases with, respectively, coordinated plural and coordinated singular elements. After that, we discuss a number of more special cases: Subsection III discusses coordinated structures with a single determiner, and Subsection IV relative constructions with mixed antecedents, that is, cases in which the two conjuncts differ in number, gender, etc. Subsection V provides a number of general conclusions.

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[+]  I.  Coordinated plurals with two determiners

This subsection discusses cases in which the antecedent of the relative clause involves coordinated plural noun phrases. Restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses will be discussed in separate subsections.

[+]  A.  Restrictive relative clauses

Noun phrases coordinated by the conjunction en'and' that are followed by a restrictive relative clause may be ambiguous between the coordinated and non-coordinated antecedent reading. This is illustrated in example (379) for constructions in which the conjuncts are indefinite plural noun phrases. The primeless examples, in which both conjuncts are included in the phrase surrounded by square brackets, represent the coordinated antecedent reading, in which the relative clause restricts the combined referent set of the two conjuncts; example (379b), for instance, expresses that a subset of boys and girls (viz. those that are late) will be punished. The primed examples, in which the first conjunct is placed outside the brackets, represent the non-coordinated antecedent reading, in which the first conjunct has non-restricted reference: example (379b') means that all boys will be punished, but girls only when they are late.

379
Coordinated indefinite plurals
a. Jan speelt straks [preludes en etudes die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft].
  Jan  plays  later  preludes and etudes  which he recently composed has
  'Later Jan will be playing preludes and etudes which he has recently composed.'
a'. Jan speelt vanavond preludes en [etudes die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft].
b. [Jongens en meisjes die te laat komen], krijgen straf.
  boys and girls who  too late come  get  punishment
  'Boys and girls who are late will be punished.'
b'. Jongens en [meisjes die te laat komen], krijgen straf.

Note that true ambiguity only arises in written text, since, in speaking, intonation has a disambiguating function: the non-coordinated antecedent reading in (379b'), for example, requires an intonation break before the conjunction en'and' and extra emphasis on the second noun, meisjes.
      Example (380) gives similar cases with definite plurals, both containing an article. Although examples such as (380) will normally receive a non-coordinated antecedent reading, the coordinated antecedent readings can be made available by using a specific intonation pattern (for instance, by extra emphasis on the information given in the relative clause).

380
Coordinated definite plurals
a. ? Jan speelt [de preludes en de etudes die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft].
  Jan plays   the preludes and the etudes  which he recently composed has
  'Jan will play the preludes and etudes which he has recently composed.'
a'. Jan speelt de preludes en [de etudes die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft].
b. ? [De jongens en de meisjes die te laat komen], krijgen straf.
  the boys and the girls  who too late come  get punishment
  'The boys and the girls who are late will be punished.'
b'. De jongens en [de meisjes die te laat komen], krijgen straf.

The difference between the coordinated and non-coordinated antecedent readings of the primeless and primed examples in (380) can be accounted for by assuming that the former involves backward conjunction reduction; the structure contains two relative clauses that are identical in form, and of which the first is left unexpressed. This is illustrated in (381a) for example (380a). The non-coordinated antecedent reading is fairly straightforward, as it involves a structure in which only the second conjunct is modified by a restrictive relative clause; the first conjunct simply has the structure of a non-modified DP. This is illustrated in (381b) for example (380a').

381
a. Coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP de [NP preludesi [RCdiei hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft ]]] en
[DP de [NP etudesj [RC diej hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft ]]]
b. Non-coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP de [NP preludes]] en
[DP de [NP etudesi [RC diei hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft ]]]

Assuming conjunction reduction is indispensable in order to account for the presence of the definite article in the second conjunct of (381a). Section 3.3.2.1 has argued that the article cannot be in the scope of a restrictive relative clause, which led to the conclusion that the relative clause is part of the NP-domain. With only a single relative clause present, however, the coordinated antecedent reading would imply that the antecedent would be at least the full string preludes en de etudes, so that the second definite article would fall in the scope of the relative clause. With the structure in (381a), on the other hand, the two articles can remain outside the scope of the relative clauses, as required.
      The markedness of the primeless examples in (380) is possibly due to the fact that these examples compete with the examples in (382a&b), in which the two conjuncts share the same article. The latter examples may be preferred on the coordinated antecedent reading due to the fact that they can be analyzed without postulating any elided material; cf. the representations in (382a'&b'). The examples in (382a&b) may also be favored because, as we will see in Subsection III, they normally do not allow the non-coordinated antecedent readings in (382a''&b''), and are therefore not ambiguous.

382
a. Jan speelt [de preludes en etudes die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft].
  Jan plays  the preludes and etudes  which he recently composed has
  'Jan will play preludes and etudes which he has recently composed.'
a'. de [[[NP preludes] en [NP etudes]]i die i hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft]
a''. * de [[[NP preludes] en [NP etudes]i die i hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft]]
b. De jongens en meisjes die te laat komen, krijgen straf.
  the boys and girls  who too late come  get punishment
  'The boys and the girls who are late will be punished.'
b'. de [[[NP jongens] en [NP meisjes]]i die i te laat komen]
b''. * de [[[NP jongens] en [NP meisjes]i die i te laat komen]]

      Maintain for the moment that, despite their marked status, the primeless examples in (380) are indeed genuinely ambiguous between the coordinated and the non-coordinated antecedent reading. The analysis in (381), according to which the two readings differ in the number of relative clauses involved, can then be supported by the fact that the extraposed relative clause in (383a) is only compatible with the coordinated antecedent reading. The fact that the non-coordinated antecedent reading is excluded is in accordance with the so-called Coordinate Structure Constraint, according to which extraction cannot take place from a single conjunct of a coordinate structure: the representation in (383b') is therefore ungrammatical. That the coordinated antecedent reading is possible is due to the fact that the relative clause is associated with both conjuncts: this so-called across-the-board configuration is generally allowed. Observe that (383a) is again marked compared to the construction in which only a single article is present: Jan zal de preludes en etudes spelen die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft.

383
a. ? Jan zal de preludes en de etudes spelen die hij onlangs gecomponeerd heeft.
  Jan will  the preludes and the etudes play  which he recently composed has
  'Jan will play (the) preludes and etudes which he has recently composed.'
b. ....[[DP de [NP preludes ti]] en [DP de etudes ti]] spelen [RC die ...] i
b'. * ....[[DP de [NP preludes]] en [DP de etudes ti]] spelen [RC die ...] i
[+]  B.  Non-restrictive relative clauses

A non-restrictive relative clause following noun phrases coordinated by the conjunction en'and' may also be ambiguous between the coordinated and non-coordinated antecedent reading. This is true both for constructions such as (384), in which two indefinite plurals are coordinated, and for constructions such as (385), in which two definite plurals, both containing an article, are coordinated.

384
Coordinated indefinite plurals
a. [Katten en honden, die hier erg geliefd zijn], zijn toegestaan.
  cats and dogs  which  here  very popular  are  are  prt.-allowed
  'Cats or dogs, which are very popular here, are allowed.'
a'. Katten en [honden, die hier erg geliefd zijn], zijn toegestaan.
b. [Hoeden en wandelstokken, die toen in de mode waren], zie je niet meer.
  hats and canes  which  then  fashionable  were  see you not more
  'Hats and canes, which used to be fashionable then, are not seen anymore.'
b'. Hoeden en [wandelstokken, die ooit in de mode waren], zie je niet meer.
385
Coordinated definite plurals
a. [De katten en de honden, die veel overlast veroorzaakten], werden verwijderd.
  the cats and the dogs  which much trouble caused  were removed
  'The cats and the dogs, which caused a lot of inconvenience, were removed.'
a'. De katten en [de honden, die veel overlast veroorzaakten], werden verwijderd.
b. [De hoeden en de jassen, die oud en versleten waren], werden weggegooid.
  the hats and the coats  which old and worn were  were  thrown.away
  'The hats and the coats, which were old and worn-out, were thrown away.'
b'. De hoeden en [de jassen, die oud en versleten waren], werden weggegooid.

As indicated by the bracketing, the non-restrictive relative clauses can either modify the union of the two sets denoted by the coordinated nouns, as in the primeless examples, or the set denoted by the noun in the second conjunct, in which case the first conjunct is not modified; in (384a'), for instance, dogs are said to be very popular, while no claim is made about cats. Unlike with restrictive relative clauses, intonation does not really have a disambiguating function. It depends on the context which reading is favored: out of the blue, many examples may favor the coordinated antecedent reading, but in examples such as (386) the non-coordinated antecedent reading is clearly favored for extra-linguistic reasons.

386
a. Mannen en vrouwen, die vaak worden achtergesteld, krijgen hier evenveel kans.
  men  and women,  who  often  are  prt.-discriminated  get here  equal  opportunity
  'Men and women, who are often discriminated against, get the same opportunities here.'
b. De mannen en de vrouwen, die minstens zo geschikt zijn voor dit werk, krijgen hier evenveel kans.
  the men  and  the women,  who  at.least  as suited  are  for this work get  here  equal  opportunity
  'The men and the women, who are at least as suitable for this work, get the same opportunities here.'

      With non-restrictive clauses, there is no need to appeal to conjunction reduction in order to account for the coordinated antecedent readings: the antecedent consists of two coordinated phrases that are slightly smaller than a full DP. This is illustrated for example (385b) in (387a). In (387b), the relative clause has only the second conjunct in its scope, and we are dealing with coordination of an unmodified DP and a DP modified by a non-restrictive relative clause.

387
a. Coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP[[de hoeden] en [de jassen]]i, [RC die i oud en versleten waren]]...
        the hats and the coats which old and worn.out were
b. Non-coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP de hoeden] en [DP [de jassen]i, [RC die i oud en versleten waren]] ...

The structures in (387) correctly predict that extraposed non-restrictive relative clauses are compatible with the coordinated antecedent reading only. On the non-coordinated antecedent reading in (387b) the relative clause belongs to the second conjunct; extraposition therefore gives rise to the structure in (388b), which violates the Coordinate Structure Constraint. On the coordinated antecedent reading in (387a), however, the relative clause takes the full coordinated structure as its antecedent; extraposition consequently results in the structure in (388a), which is allowed by the Coordinate Structure Constraint.

388
a. We hebben [DP [[de hoeden] en [de jassen]]itj] weggegooid, [RC diei oud en versleten waren]j.
  we  have     the hats  and  the coats  away-thrown which  old  and  worn.out  were
b. * We hebben [[DP de hoeden] en [DP [de jassen]itj]] weggegooid, [RC diei oud en versleten waren] j.
[+]  II.  Coordinated singulars with two determiners

There are two reasons why ambiguity is less likely to arise in the case of coordinated singulars than in the case of coordinated plurals. First, ambiguity will only be possible if the conjuncts have the same gender, given that differences in gender are reflected in the choice of the relative pronoun: whereas die is used for singular non-neuter (as well as plural) antecedents, dat is used for singular neuter antecedents; cf. Section 3.3.2.2, sub I. Second, potential ambiguity may be resolved by the number marking on the finite verb of the relative clause if the relative pronoun functions as a subject: the coordinated antecedent reading always triggers plural agreement on the verb. The discussion in this subsection will be confined to cases that potentially exhibit ambiguity, that is, to cases involving coordinated antecedents with conjuncts of the same gender; discussion of cases in which the conjuncts differ in gender is postponed to Subsection IV.

[+]  A.  Restrictive relative clauses

The examples in (389) show that restrictive relative clauses can restrict coordinated antecedents with multiple indefinite articles. If the relative pronoun functions as the subject of the relative clause, however, ambiguity does not arise: in the primeless examples the plural form of the finite verb of the relative clause (kwamen'came' and kosten'cost') excludes a reading in which the relative clause would modify the second conjunct only. Similarly, the singular form of the finite verb in the primed examples (kwam'came' and kost'costs') forces a reading in which it is only the second conjunct of the coordination that functions as the antecedent.

389
Coordinated indefinite singulars (same gender)
a. [Een man en een jongen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and a boy  who  too late  camepl.  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy who were late werenʼt admitted.'
a'. Een man en [een jongen die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man  and    a boy  who  too late  camesg.  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy who was late were no longer admitted.'
b. Jan wil [een boek en een CD die twintig euro kosten].
  Jan wants    a book and a CD  which  twenty euros  cost
  'Jan wants a book and a CD which cost twenty euros.'
b'. Jan wil een boek en [een CD die twintig euro kost].
  Jan wants  a book  and    a CD  which  twenty euros  costs
  'Jan wants a book, and a CD which costs twenty euros.'

In cases such as (390) with definite coordinated antecedents, many speakers prefer the non-coordinated antecedent reading; the coordinated antecedent reading is only fully acceptable in case of coordinated indefinite singulars. A possible account of this contrast between the primeless examples in (389) and (390) will be given later in this subsection. Recall that the primeless and primed examples differ not only in the number on the finite verb of the relative clause, but also in their intonation pattern; the primed examples are pronounced with an intonation break before the conjunction and accent on the noun of second conjunct.

390
Coordinated definite singulars (same gender)
a. % [De man en de jongen die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy who were late were no longer admitted.'
a'. De man en [de jongen die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man  and    the boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy who was late were no longer admitted.'
b. % Jan wil [het boek en de CD die twintig euro kosten].
  Jan wants    the book and the CD  which  twenty euros  cost
  'Jan wants the book and the CD which together/each cost twenty euros.'
b'. Jan wil het boek en [de CD die twintig euro kost].
  Jan wants  the book  and    the CD  which twenty euros  costs
  'Jan wants the book, and the CD which costs twenty euros.'

      If the relative pronoun functions as a complement, the form of the finite verb of the relative clause does not help to disambiguate the examples, so that true ambiguity may arise in written language (but not in speech). This is illustrated for indefinite antecedents in the (a)-examples of (391) for direct object relative pronouns and in the (b)-examples for indirect and prepositional object relative pronouns.

391
Coordinated indefinite singulars (same gender)
a. [Een man en een jongen die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and a boy  who  we  not  knew  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy who we didnʼt know werenʼt admitted.'
a'. Een man en [een jongen die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
b. [Een man en een jongen die/aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and a boy  who/to whom  we  our tickets  had  given  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy who/to whom weʼd given our tickets werenʼt admitted.'
b'. Een man en [een jongen die/aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden niet toegelaten.

The examples in (392) show the same thing for definite antecedents. The percentage signs in the primeless examples indicate again that many speakers prefer the non-coordinated reading in these cases; the coordinated antecedent reading is only fully acceptable in cases of coordinated indefinite singulars.

392
Coordinated definite singulars (same gender)
a. % [De man en de jongen die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boy  who  we  not knew  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy who we didnʼt know werenʼt admitted.'
a'. De man en [de jongen die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
b. % [De man en de jongen aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boy  to whom  we  our tickets  had  given  were  not  prt.-admitted
b'. De man en [de jongen aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden niet toegelaten.

      The non-coordinated antecedent reading of the primed examples above are all unproblematic and may be assumed to involve the structure given in (393b), with the relative clause restricting the second conjunct only. The coordinated antecedent reading of the primeless examples in (391) and (392) can in principle be accounted for by assuming structure (393a), which involves backward conjunction reduction.

393
a. Coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP D [NP [... N ...]i [RCRELi ...]]] and [DP D [NP [... N ...]j [RC RELj ...]]]
b. Non-coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP D [NP [... N ...]]] and [DP D [NP [... N ...]j [RC RELj ...]]]

Assuming structure (393a) to account for the coordinated antecedent reading of the primeless examples in (389) and (390) is, however, problematic. First observe that the conjunction-reduction analysis in (393a) is excluded for the primeless examples in (389) and (390); the presence of the plural finite verb in the relative clause requires a plural antecedent, so that the relative clause cannot be interpreted as restricting the coordinated singular conjuncts separately. The representations in (394) must therefore be dismissed as ungrammatical due to the number mismatch between the relative subject pronoun and the finite verb of the relative clause.

394
a. * [Een/de man [RCdie te laat kwamen]] en [een/de jongen [RC die te laat kwamen]], werden niet meer toegelaten.
b. * Jan wil [het boek [RCdie twintig euro kosten]] en [de CD [RC die twintig euro kosten]].

The agreement facts thus show that the relative pronoun die is plural in the primeless examples in (389) and (390). This is furthermore supported by the fact illustrated in (395) that we can add elements like allebei'both', samen'together' or elk'each' to the relative clauses, which all require the presence of a plural subject.

395
a. [Een man en een jongen die beiden te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and a boy  who both  too late  came  were not prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy who were both late werenʼt admitted.'
b. Jan wil [een boek en een CD die samen/elk twintig euro kosten].
  Jan wants   a book and a CD  which  together/each  twenty euros cost
  'Jan wants a book and a CD which cost twenty euros together/each.'

In short, the facts in (394) and (395) constitute a serious problem for the proposal that multiple determiners can only occur in restrictive relative constructions derived by means of backward conjunction reduction. This casts considerable doubt on the feasibility of the analysis in (393a), and one might want to completely reject this analysis by pointing out that it is in fact not available, given that the sentences with definite antecedents are consistently considered degraded (or at least marked) by many speakers. Rejecting the analysis in (393a) would still leave us with the fact that the sentences with indefinite antecedents are impeccable, but this could be solved by appealing to a difference in status between the definite and indefinite determiners: it has often been assumed that indefinite articles are actually not determiners but belong to the class of numerals (note in this connection that the indefinite examples in (389a&b) are also acceptable if the indefinite articles are replaced by the cardinal numeral één'one'). If so, one might try to develop an account according to which a restrictive relative clause may take a NumP, but not a DP, in its scope; cf. Section 1.1.2, sub IIA, example (6).
      Leaving these issues to future research, we want to conclude this subsection by pointing out that, just like in the case of coordinated plurals, extraposition of the relative clause is possible on the coordinated antecedent reading only. Consider the examples in (396). The unacceptability of the non-coordinated antecedent reading in (396b) is due to the fact that the relative clause is part of the second conjunct so that extraposition would violate the Coordinate Structure Constraint. The acceptability of the coordinated antecedent reading in (396a) follows both under a conjunction-reduction analysis and under the alternative analysis suggested above that the relative clause takes some higher projection in the noun phrase (NumP) as its antecedent: in the former case we would be dealing with licit across-the-board movement, and in the latter case extraposition could proceed without violating the Coordinate Structure Constraint.

396
a. Ik heb [[een regisseur] en [een acteur]]i gekend [RC diei een Oscar hebben gekregen].
  I have a director and an actor  known  who an Oscar have won
b. * Ik heb [[een regisseur] en [een acteur]i] gekend [RC diei een Oscar heeft gekregen].
  I have a director and an actor  known  who an Oscar has won

The unacceptability of (397b) again follows from the Coordinate Structure Constraint: the relative clause is part of the second conjunct and therefore extraposition is blocked. Example (397a) poses the same problem as the primeless examples in (390) and (392), and for this reason we will not discuss this example any further.

397
a. % Ik heb [[de regisseur en de acteur]]i gezien [RC diei een Oscar hebben gekregen].
  I have the director and the actor  seen  who an Oscar have won
b. * Ik heb [[de regisseur] en [de acteur]i] gezien [RC diei een Oscar heeft gekregen].
  I have the director and the actor  seen  who an Oscar has won
[+]  B.  Non-restrictive relative clauses

Using non-restrictive clauses to modify coordinated antecedents is fully acceptable. As in the case of restrictive relative clauses, ambiguity does not arise when the relative pronoun functions as the subject of the relative clause given that the number marking on the finite verb unambiguously shows which reading is intended: in the (a)-examples of (398) and (399) the plural form kwamen'came' excludes a reading in which the relative clause would modify the second conjunct only, and the singular form kwam'came' in the (b)-examples only allows a reading in which it is only the second conjunct that functions as the antecedent.

398
Coordinated indefinite singulars (subject)
a. [Een man en een jongen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man and a boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy, who were late, werenʼt admitted.'
b. Een man en [een jongen, die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  a man  and   a boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'A man and a boy, who was late, werenʼt admitted.'
399
Coordinated definite singulars (subject)
a. [De man en de jongen, die te laat kwamen], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy, who were late. werenʼt admitted.'
b. De man en [de jongen, die te laat kwam], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man  and   the boy  who  too late  came  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy, who was late, werenʼt admitted.'

If the relative pronoun functions as the object of the relative clause, it does not affect the form of the finite verb, and true ambiguity may arise. This is illustrated for definite noun phrases: the (a)-examples in (400) involve direct object relative pronouns and the (b)-examples involve indirect object relative pronouns introduced by the preposition aan. The status of the examples does not change if we replace the indefinite articles by indefinite ones.

400
Coordinated singulars (object pronoun)
a. [De man en de jongen, die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
  the man and the boy  who  we  not  knew  were  not  prt.-admitted
  'The man and the boy, who we didnʼt know, werenʼt admitted.'
a'. De man en [de jongen, die we niet kenden], werden niet toegelaten.
b. [De man en de jongen, aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden ...
  the man and the boy  to whom  we our tickets  had  given  were
  'The man and the boy, to whom weʼd given our tickets, werenʼt admitted.'
b'. De man en [de jongen, aan wie we onze kaartjes hadden gegeven], werden ...

      The coordinated antecedent reading can be represented with the relative clause modifying the full coordinated DP, while the non-coordinated antecedent reading can be represented with the relative clause modifying only the second DP. This is illustrated in (401) for the examples in (399); cf. the discussion of (387).

401
a. Coordinated antecedent reading:
[DP [[de man] en [de jongen]]i, [RC die i te laat kwamen]] ...