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2.3.1.Movement of the PP-complement

This section shows how discontinuous APs may arise by movement of PP-complements. We start by discussing PP-over-V, which results in placement of the PP after the verb(s) in clause-final position. After this we will discuss several processes that place the PP-complement in a position preceding the adjective. This section is concluded by a brief discussion of PP-complements of pseudo-participles and deverbal adjectives, which exhibit somewhat deviant behavior.

[+]  I.  PP-over-V

When we consider the relative order of PPs and main verbs in clause-final position, it turns out that many PPs may occur on both sides of the verb as a result of PP-over-V. This is illustrated in (51): (51b) involves PP-over-V of the adverbial adjunct of place op het station; (51c) involves PP-over-V of the PP-complement op zijn vader of the main verb, and in (51d) both PPs follow the main verb.

a. Jan heeft op het station op zijn vader gewacht.
  Jan has  at the station  for his father  waited
  'Jan has waited for his father at the station.'
b. Jan heeft op zijn vader gewacht op het station.
c. Jan heeft op het station gewacht op zijn vader.
d. Jan heeft gewacht op zijn vader op het station.

      Now consider the examples in (52), which involve an adjective that takes a PP-complement. Example (52b) shows that this PP-complement may also undergo PP-over-V, which results in a structure in which the AP and its PP-complement are no longer adjacent; note that we indicated the original position of the moved PP by means of the tracet.

a. Jan is nooit [AP trots op zijn vader] geweest.
  Jan is never  proud  of his father  been
  'Jan has never been proud of his father.'
b. Jan is nooit [AP trots ti] geweest [op zijn vader]i

Given the structure in (52b), it does not come as a surprise that the adjective can be topicalized in isolation; the structure in (53a) involves movement of the same constituent as in (50b), namely AP (the indices, i and j in this case, keep track of what moves where). Observe that the adjective normally cannot be topicalized if the PP occurs between the adverb nooit and the participle geweest, as in (53b); this is only possible if the frequency adverb nooit receives focus accent. This suggests that PP-over-V must apply in order to make topicalization of the adjective in isolation possible (although there is an alternative option that may license this, which will be discussed in Subsection IIB).

a. [AP Trots ti]j is Jan nooit tj geweest [op zijn vader]i.
b. ?? Trots is Jan nooit op zijn vader geweest.

      Example (50c), repeated here as (54a), may have a structure similar to (53a). The main difference would be that PP-over-V cannot be observed because the verb is not in clause-final position, but occupies the second position of the main clause as a result of Verb-Second. However, since the finite verb occupies the clause-final position in embedded clauses, this predicts that when movement of the adjective takes place in an embedded clause, the PP may show up after the finite verb. That this is indeed borne out is shown in (54b), which contains an embedded interrogative (or exclamative) clause.

a. Trots is Jan op zijn vader.
  proud  is Jan of his father
b. (Je weet niet) [hoe trots Jan is op zijn vader].
  you know not   how proud  Jan is of his father
[+]  II.  PP-preposing

Subsection I has shown that discontinuity may arise as a result of PP-over-V, and this subsection shows that it may also be the result of PP-preposing. Two cases can be distinguished: leftward movement of the PP into the initial position of the clause (topicalization and wh-movement) and leftward movement into some clause-internal position (focus and negation movement).

[+]  A.  Topicalization and wh-movement

Another source of discontinuous APs is PP-preposing. One case involves movement of the PP into clause-initial position. Consider again example (51a). The primeless examples in (55) show that both the adverbial PP op het station and the complement PP op zijn vader can be moved into clause-initial position by topicalization. The primed examples show that the same result can be obtained by means of wh-movement if the nominal complement of the preposition is questioned.

a. Op het stationi heeft Jan ti gewacht.
  at the station  has  Jan  waited
a'. Op welk stationi heeft Jan ti gewacht?
  at which station  has  Jan  waited
b. Op zijn vaderi heeft Jan ti gewacht.
  for his father  has  Jan  waited
b'. Op wiei heeft Jan ti gewacht?
  for whom  has  Jan  waited

The examples in (56) show that PP-complements of adjectives can undergo the same processes. This is another source for the discontinuity of the AP.

a. Jan is nooit [AP trots op zijn vader] geweest.
  Jan is  never  proud  of his father  been
  'Jan has never been proud of his father.'
b. [Op zijn vader]i is Jan nooit [AP trots ti] geweest.
   of his father  is Jan never  proud  been
c. [Op wie]i is Jan nooit [AP trots ti] geweest?
  of whom  is Jan never  proud  been
[+]  B.  Short leftward movement

Leftward movement of PP-complements need not always involve movement into clause-initial position, but may also target some clause-internal position. This kind of movement will be referred to as short leftward movement. At least two types of short leftward movement can be distinguished: focus and negation movement.

[+]  1.  Focus movement

The (a)-examples in (57) illustrate short leftward movement of the PP-complement of the verb praten'to talk' across the adverbial phrase niet langer'no longer'. Short leftward movement of PPs normally results in a word order that is perceived as marked, and is only possible if the nominal complement of the preposition is able to bear accent; if the nominal complement is a weak pronoun, as in the (b)-examples, short leftward movement of the PP is excluded. Although this goes against a popular belief (which finds its origin in Neeleman 1994b and Vikner 1994/2006), we will assume that short leftward movement of PPs is an instance of focus movement; see Broekhuis (2008:67ff.) for more extensive discussion.

a. Jan wil niet langer op zijn vader wachten.
  Jan wants  no longer  for his father  wait
  'Jan doesnʼt want to wait for his father any longer.'
a'. Jan wil [op zijn vader]i niet langer ti wachten.
b. Jan wil niet langer op ’m wachten.
  Jan wants  no longer  for him  wait
  'Jan doesnʼt want to wait for him any longer.'
b'. * Jan wil [op ’m]i niet langer ti wachten.

Example (58b) shows that focus movement is also possible with PP-complements of adjectives. Example (58c) further shows that this movement is only possible if the nominal complement of the preposition is able to bear accent; if the complement is a weak pronoun, short leftward movement of the PP is excluded.

a. Jan is altijd al [AP trots op zijn vader/’m] geweest.
  Jan has  always  proud  of his father/him  been
  'Jan has always been proud of his father.'
b. Jan is [op zijn vader]i altijd al [AP trots ti] geweest.
c. * Jan is [op ’m]i altijd al [AP trots ti] geweest.

      Since the adverbial phrase of frequency altijd al in (58) modifies the clause and focus movement of the PP crosses this modifier, we can safely assume that the landing site of focus movement is an AP-external position. This is also confirmed by the fact that the adjective can be topicalized and wh-moved in isolation, albeit that topicalization may require that the adjective be contrastively stressed.

a. [AP Trots ti]j is Jan [op zijn vader]itj geweest.
b. [AP Hoe trots ti]j is Jan [op zijn vader]itj geweest?

This does not automatically preclude, however, that there may be an additional AP-internal landing site. If this were the case, we would expect that the PP could also follow the adverbial phrase and that the preposed PP could be pied-piped under AP-topicalization. Since the resulting structures in (60b&c) are highly marked, these expectations do not seem to be borne out.

a. Jan is altijd al [AP trots op zijn vader] geweest.
  Jan has  always  proud  of his father  been
b. ?? Jan is altijd al [AP [op zijn vader]i trots ti] geweest.
c. ?? [AP [Op zijn vader]i trots ti]j is Jan altijd al tj geweest.

It should be noted, however, that (60b) improves considerably if the adverbial phrase altijd al is assigned emphatic accent, as in (61a). Still, given that AP-topicalization cannot pied-pipe the PP in this case either, we have to maintain that the landing site of the preposed PP is AP-external, but has simply not crossed the emphatically focused adverbial phrase.

a. Jan is altijd al op zijn vaderi trots ti geweest.
b. [AP Trots ti]j is Jan altijd al [op zijn vader]itj geweest.
c. ?? [AP [Op zijn vader]i trots ti] is Jan altijd al geweest.

      The discussion above has shown that as a result of focus movement, many adjectives allow their PP-complement to their left. The examples in (62) simply provide an additional illustration of the resulting word order variation. The (a)-examples show that the adjective and the postadjectival PP form a clausal constituent that may be topicalized as a whole. The adjective and the preadjectival PP, on the other hand, do not form a constituent, which is clear from the fact, illustrated in the (b)-examples, that AP-topicalization cannot pied-pipe the PP.

a. dat Els bang voor de hond is.
  that  Els afraid  of the dog  is
a'. [AP Bang voor de hond]j is Els niet tj.
b. dat Els [voor de hond]i bang ti is.
b'. [AP Bang ti]j is Els [voor de hond]i niet tj.
b''. ?? [AP [Voor de hond]i bang ti]j is Els niet tj.

      The examples in (63) show that focus movement of the PP-complement is less felicitous with some of the adjectives in Table 2, that is, those adjectives that show a change of meaning if the PP is omitted/added. The reason for this seems to be that focus movement appears to block the lexicalized meaning of the A+P collocation in favor of a more compositional one: if the PP follows the adjective, the idiomatic meaning “fed up with" is possible; after focus movement, on the other hand, only the compositional meaning “ill as a result of" survives.

a. dat Jan ziek van die zuurkool is.
  that  Jan fed.up  with this sauerkraut  is
  'that Jan is fed up with this sauerkraut.'
b. dat Jan van die zuurkool ziek is.
  Not: 'that Jan is fed up with this sauerkraut.'
  Possible: 'that this sauerkraut made Jan ill.'

If the compositional meaning leads to gibberish, as in (64), short leftward movement simply leads to a degraded result.

a. dat Jan dol/gek op zijn kinderen is.
  that  Jan fond  of his children  is
a'. ?? dat Jan op zijn kinderen dol/gek is.
b. dat Jan vol van die gebeurtenis is.
  that  Jan full  of that incident  is
b'. ?? dat Jan van die gebeurtenis vol is.

It should be noted, however, that assigning contrastive accent to the adjective or the addition of an accented intensifier may considerably improve the result of focus movement of the PP-complement. This is illustrated by the examples in (65), which seem to be fully acceptable.

a. dat Jan op zijn kinderen dol/gek is.
  that  Jan  of his children  fond  is
a'. dat Jan op zijn kinderen hartstikke dol is.
  that  Jan  of his children  extremely  fond  is
b. dat Jan van die gebeurtenis vol is.
  that  Jan of that incident  full  is
b'. dat Jan van die gebeurtenis helemaal vol is
  that  Jan of that incident  completely full is

Needless to say, topicalization of the adjectives in (63) and (64) can only pied-pipe the PP-complement if it follows the adjective, e.g., [gek/dol op zijn kinderen] is Jan versus *[op zijn kinderen (hartstikke) gek/dol] is Jan.
      Topicalization and wh-movement of the PP-complement contrast sharply with focus movement; these movements leave the idiomatic reading intact and, as a result, always give rise to a completely acceptable result. We illustrate this in (66) for the topicalization/wh-movement counterparts of the primed examples of (64).

a. Op zijn kinderen is hij dol/gek.
  of his children  is  he  fond
a'. Op wie is hij dol/gek?
  of whom  is  he  fond
b. Van die gebeurtenis is hij vol.
  of that incident is  he  full
b'. Van welke gebeurtenis is hij vol?
  of which incident  is  he  full

      This subsection has shown that PP-complements that precede their selecting adjectives have been moved from their original postadjectival position into some other position in the clause. Section 2.3.1, sub III, will show, however, that there are certain exceptions to this general rule: pseudo-participles and certain deverbal adjectives may take their PP-complement to their left.

[+]  2.  Neg movement

This subsection discusses another case of short leftward movement of PP-complements, which does not involve focus but takes place when the nominal complement of the preposition is negated. We will refer to this movement, which is illustrated in (67), as neg-movement; cf. Haegeman (1991/1995).

a. ?? dat Marie tevreden over niets is.
  that  Marie satisfied  about nothing  is
a'. dat Marie [over niets]i tevreden ti is.
b. ?? dat Jan gevoelig voor geen enkel argument is.
  that  Jan susceptible  to no single argument  is
b'. dat Jan [voor geen enkel argument]i gevoelig ti is.
c. ?? dat Els bang voor niemand is.
  that  Els afraid  of no one  is
c'. dat Els [voor niemand]i bang ti is.
d. ?? dat Jan trots op niemand is.
  that  Jan proud  of no one  is
d'. dat Jan [op niemand]i trots ti is.

Neg-movement seems to be obligatory and it has been suggested that it is needed in order to allow negation to take scope over the complete clause, which results in the following meaning for example (67c): “it is not the case that Els is afraid of someone". In fact, it seems that the need for neg-movement also blocks the application of PP-over-V, as will be clear from the degraded status of the examples in (68).

a. ?? dat Marie tevreden is over niets.
b. ?? dat Jan gevoelig is voor geen enkel argument.
c. ?? dat Els bang is voor niemand.
d. ?? dat Jan trots is op niemand.

Note in passing that if the nominal complement of the preposition is inanimate, neg-movement can also affect the negative element in isolation by means of extraction of the negative R-pronounnergens from a pronominal PP. So, besides the examples in (67a'&b'), we also find the constructions in (69); we will ignore these alternatives in what will follow, while noting that the leftward movement of the nergens suffices to assign negation scope over the complete clause.

a. dat Jan nergens tevreden over is.
  that Jan  nowhere  satisfied about is
  'that Jan isnʼt satisfied about anything.'
b. dat Jan nergens gevoelig voor is.
  that  Jan nowhere  susceptible  to  is
  'that Jan isnʼt susceptible to anything.'

      If neg-movement does not apply, we are dealing with constituent negation. The constituent negation reading does not give rise to a very felicitous result for the examples in (67), but is possible in (70), where the two examples form a minimal pair.

a. dat Jan tevreden met niets is.
  that  Jan satisfied  with nothing  is
  'that Jan is satisfied with very little.'
b. dat Jan met niets tevreden is.
  that Jan  with nothing  satisfied is
  'that Jan isnʼt satisfied with anything.'

Example (70a), in which the PP-complement occupies its original postadjectival position, involves constituency negation; this examples literally means that Jan will be happy if he has got nothing, but is normally used in an idiomatic sense to express that Jan has virtually no needs. This interpretation contrasts sharply with the one associated with example (70b), in which neg-movement has applied; this example expresses that Jan will not be happy, no matter what he obtains. For completeness’ sake, note that PP-over-V in dat Jan tevreden is met niets is compatible with the constituent negation reading in (70a), but not with the sentential negation reading in (70b).
      The data in (70) support the claim that neg-movement is needed in order to express sentential negation. Another argument in favor of this claim can be based on the fact illustrated in (71) that the negative polarity verb hoeven requires the presence of a negative adverb niet'not' or some other negated element like niemand'no one' that takes clausal scope.

a. Je hoeft *(niet) te komen.
  you  need    not  to come
  'You donʼt have to come.'
b. Je hoeft niemand/*iemand te overtuigen.
  you  need  nobody/someone  to convince
  'You donʼt have to convince anybody.'

If the negated element is part of the PP-complement of an adjective, and the PP stays in its original position, the use of hoeven is completely unacceptable. However, if the PP is moved to the left, as in (72b), the result is perfect. This would be consistent with the fact that sentential negation requires neg-movement. For completeness’ sake, (72c) shows that PP-over-V is also excluded in this context.

a. * Je hoeft bang voor niemand te zijn.
  you  need  afraid  of  no one  to be
b. Je hoeft voor niemand bang te zijn.
c. * Je hoeft bang te zijn voor niemand.

      To conclude this subsection, we want to note that West-Flemish provides morphological evidence in favor of the claim that negation can only have clausal scope if the PP-complement has undergone neg-movement. Sentential negation can be morphologically expressed by supplementing the finite verb with the (optional) negative marker en-. This marker is possible if the PP-complement of the adjective has undergone neg-movement, as in (73a), but not if the PP occupies its original position or has undergone PP-over-V, as in (73b).

a. da Valère van niemand ketent en-is.
  that  Valère of no one  satisfied  NEG-is
  'that Valère isnʼt pleased with anyone.'
b. * da Valère ketent <van niemand> en-is <van niemand>.
  that  Valère  satisfied     of no one  NEG-is
[+]  III.  An exceptional case: pseudo-participles and deverbal adjectives

Subsection II has shown that PP–A orders are normally the result of leftward movement of the PP-complement. This subsection discusses adjectives that are different in that the original position of their PP-complement may be on their left.

[+]  A.  PP–A orders in clause-initial position

Subsection IIB has shown that the PP–A order normally gives rise to a degraded result if the AP is moved into clause-initial position; cf. (60c), (61c) and (62b''). The examples in (74) show, however, that some adjectives behave differently in this respect. The acceptability of the primed examples could be accounted for by assuming that, at least in some cases, leftward movement of the PP-complement into some AP-internal position is possible after all, but we will argue instead that the PP–A order in clause-initial position is restricted to two morphologically definable classes that in some sense show verbal behavior.

a. [AP Geschikt voor deze functie] is hij niet.
  suitable  for this office  is he not
a'. [AP Voor deze functie geschikt] is hij niet.
b. [AP Afhankelijk van zijn toestemming] ben ik niet.
  dependent  on his permission  am  not
b'. [AP Van zijn toestemming afhankelijk] ben ik niet.

Most adjectives that allow the PP–A order in clause-initial position have the appearance of a past/passive participle; cf. Table 6. However, since the adjectives in Table 6A-C do not have a verbal counterpart, they must be considered pseudo-participles. The irregular forms in Table 6D do have a verbal counterpart but these have a completely different meaning: the verb voldoen means “to pay" or “to be sufficient"; the verb begaan means “to commit".

Table 6: Pseudo-participles that take a prepositional complement
form example translation
A. ge- .. -d/t/en gebrand op keen on
gekant tegen opposed to
geschikt voor suitable for
gespitst op especially alert to
gesteld op keen on
ingenomen met delighted with
B. ver- .. -d/t verliefd op in-love with
verrukt over delighted at
verwant aan related to
C. be- .. -d/t bedacht op cautious for
bekend met familiar with
bereid tot willing to
bevreesd voor fearful of
D. irregular forms voldaan over content with
begaan met emotionally involved with

In addition there are a small number of adjectives that are derived from a verb by means of the suffixes -baar and -elijk; the preposition of their PP-complement is identical to the one in the corresponding verbal construction. Three examples are given in (75).

Deverbal adjectives
Verbal stem
a. verenigbaar met 'compatible with'
a'. verenigen met 'to reconcile with'
b. vergelijkbaar met 'comparable to'
b'. vergelijken met 'to compare with'
c. afhankelijk van 'dependent on'
c'. afhangen van 'to depend on'

Given that topicalized past participles and infinitives allow their PP-complement both on their left and on their right (cf. (76)), it may not be accidental that the pseudo-participles in Table 6 and the deverbal adjectives in (75) also allow both orders in topicalized position.

a. [VP Gewacht op zijn vader] heeft Jan niet.