- Dutch
- Frisian
- Saterfrisian
- Afrikaans
-
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological processes
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Word stress
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Monomorphemic words
- Diachronic aspects
- Generalizations on stress placement
- Default penultimate stress
- Lexical stress
- The closed penult restriction
- Final closed syllables
- The diphthong restriction
- Superheavy syllables (SHS)
- The three-syllable window
- Segmental restrictions
- Phonetic correlates
- Stress shifts in loanwords
- Quantity-sensitivity
- Secondary stress
- Vowel reduction in unstressed syllables
- Stress in complex words
- Primary stress in simplex words
- Accent & intonation
- Clitics
- Spelling
- Morphology
- Word formation
- Compounding
- Nominal compounds
- Verbal compounds
- Adjectival compounds
- Affixoids
- Coordinative compounds
- Synthetic compounds
- Reduplicative compounds
- Phrase-based compounds
- Elative compounds
- Exocentric compounds
- Linking elements
- Separable complex verbs (SCVs)
- Gapping of complex words
- Particle verbs
- Copulative compounds
- Derivation
- Numerals
- Derivation: inputs and input restrictions
- The meaning of affixes
- Non-native morphology
- Cohering and non-cohering affixes
- Prefixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixation: person nouns
- Conversion
- Pseudo-participles
- Bound forms
- Nouns
- Nominal prefixes
- Nominal suffixes
- -aal and -eel
- -aar
- -aard
- -aat
- -air
- -aris
- -ast
- Diminutives
- -dom
- -een
- -ees
- -el (nominal)
- -elaar
- -enis
- -er (nominal)
- -erd
- -erik
- -es
- -eur
- -euse
- ge...te
- -heid
- -iaan, -aan
- -ief
- -iek
- -ier
- -ier (French)
- -ière
- -iet
- -igheid
- -ij and allomorphs
- -ijn
- -in
- -ing
- -isme
- -ist
- -iteit
- -ling
- -oir
- -oot
- -rice
- -schap
- -schap (de)
- -schap (het)
- -sel
- -st
- -ster
- -t
- -tal
- -te
- -voud
- Verbs
- Adjectives
- Adverbs
- Univerbation
- Neo-classical word formation
- Construction-dependent morphology
- Morphological productivity
- Compounding
- Inflection
- Inflection and derivation
- Allomorphy
- The interface between phonology and morphology
- Word formation
- Syntax
- Preface and acknowledgements
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of verb phrases I:Argument structure
- 3 Projection of verb phrases II:Verb frame alternations
- Introduction
- 3.1. Main types
- 3.2. Alternations involving the external argument
- 3.3. Alternations of noun phrases and PPs
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.3.1.1. Dative alternation with aan-phrases (recipients)
- 3.3.1.2. Dative alternation with naar-phrases (goals)
- 3.3.1.3. Dative alternation with van-phrases (sources)
- 3.3.1.4. Dative alternation with bij-phrases (possessors)
- 3.3.1.5. Dative alternation with voor-phrases (benefactives)
- 3.3.1.6. Conclusion
- 3.3.1.7. Bibliographical notes
- 3.3.2. Accusative/PP alternations
- 3.3.3. Nominative/PP alternations
- 3.3.1. Dative/PP alternations (dative shift)
- 3.4. Some apparent cases of verb frame alternation
- 3.5. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of verb phrases IIIa:Selection of clauses/verb phrases
- 5 Projection of verb phrases IIIb:Argument and complementive clauses
- Introduction
- 5.1. Finite argument clauses
- 5.2. Infinitival argument clauses
- 5.3. Complementive clauses
- 6 Projection of verb phrases IIIc:Complements of non-main verbs
- 7 Projection of verb phrases IIId:Verb clusters
- 8 Projection of verb phrases IV: Adverbial modification
- 9 Word order in the clause I:General introduction
- 10 Word order in the clause II:Position of the finite verb (verb-first/second)
- 11 Word order in the clause III:Clause-initial position (wh-movement)
- Introduction
- 11.1. The formation of V1- and V2-clauses
- 11.2. Clause-initial position remains (phonetically) empty
- 11.3. Clause-initial position is filled
- 12 Word order in the clause IV:Postverbal field (extraposition)
- 13 Word order in the clause V: Middle field (scrambling)
- 14 Main-clause external elements
- Nouns and Noun Phrases
- 1 Characterization and classification
- 2 Projection of noun phrases I: complementation
- Introduction
- 2.1. General observations
- 2.2. Prepositional and nominal complements
- 2.3. Clausal complements
- 2.4. Bibliographical notes
- 3 Projection of noun phrases II: modification
- Introduction
- 3.1. Restrictive and non-restrictive modifiers
- 3.2. Premodification
- 3.3. Postmodification
- 3.3.1. Adpositional phrases
- 3.3.2. Relative clauses
- 3.3.3. Infinitival clauses
- 3.3.4. A special case: clauses referring to a proposition
- 3.3.5. Adjectival phrases
- 3.3.6. Adverbial postmodification
- 3.4. Bibliographical notes
- 4 Projection of noun phrases III: binominal constructions
- Introduction
- 4.1. Binominal constructions without a preposition
- 4.2. Binominal constructions with a preposition
- 4.3. Bibliographical notes
- 5 Determiners: articles and pronouns
- Introduction
- 5.1. Articles
- 5.2. Pronouns
- 5.3. Bibliographical notes
- 6 Numerals and quantifiers
- 7 Pre-determiners
- Introduction
- 7.1. The universal quantifier al 'all' and its alternants
- 7.2. The pre-determiner heel 'all/whole'
- 7.3. A note on focus particles
- 7.4. Bibliographical notes
- 8 Syntactic uses of noun phrases
- Adjectives and Adjective Phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- 2 Projection of adjective phrases I: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adjective phrases II: Modification
- 4 Projection of adjective phrases III: Comparison
- 5 Attributive use of the adjective phrase
- 6 Predicative use of the adjective phrase
- 7 The partitive genitive construction
- 8 Adverbial use of the adjective phrase
- 9 Participles and infinitives: their adjectival use
- 10 Special constructions
- Adpositions and adpositional phrases
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Introduction
- 1.1. Characterization of the category adposition
- 1.2. A formal classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3. A semantic classification of adpositional phrases
- 1.3.1. Spatial adpositions
- 1.3.2. Temporal adpositions
- 1.3.3. Non-spatial/temporal prepositions
- 1.4. Borderline cases
- 1.5. Bibliographical notes
- 2 Projection of adpositional phrases: Complementation
- 3 Projection of adpositional phrases: Modification
- 4 Syntactic uses of the adpositional phrase
- 5 R-pronominalization and R-words
- 1 Characteristics and classification
- Phonology
-
- General
- Phonology
- Segment inventory
- Phonotactics
- Phonological Processes
- Assimilation
- Vowel nasalization
- Syllabic sonorants
- Final devoicing
- Fake geminates
- Vowel hiatus resolution
- Vowel reduction introduction
- Schwa deletion
- Schwa insertion
- /r/-deletion
- d-insertion
- {s/z}-insertion
- t-deletion
- Intrusive stop formation
- Breaking
- Vowel shortening
- h-deletion
- Replacement of the glide w
- Word stress
- Clitics
- Allomorphy
- Orthography of Frisian
- Morphology
- Inflection
- Word formation
- Derivation
- Prefixation
- Infixation
- Suffixation
- Nominal suffixes
- Verbal suffixes
- Adjectival suffixes
- Adverbial suffixes
- Numeral suffixes
- Interjectional suffixes
- Onomastic suffixes
- Conversion
- Compositions
- Derivation
- Syntax
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Unergative and unaccusative subjects
- Evidentiality
- To-infinitival clauses
- Predication and noun incorporation
- Ellipsis
- Imperativus-pro-Infinitivo
- Expression of irrealis
- Embedded Verb Second
- Agreement
- Negation
- Nouns & Noun Phrases
- Classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Partitive noun constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Nominalised quantifiers
- Kind partitives
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Bare nominal attributions
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers and (pre)determiners
- Interrogative pronouns
- R-pronouns
- Syntactic uses
- Adjective Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification and degree quantification
- Comparison by degree
- Comparative
- Superlative
- Equative
- Attribution
- Agreement
- Attributive adjectives vs. prenominal elements
- Complex adjectives
- Noun ellipsis
- Co-occurring adjectives
- Predication
- Partitive adjective constructions
- Adverbial use
- Participles and infinitives
- Adposition Phrases
- Characteristics and classification
- Complementation
- Modification
- Intransitive adpositions
- Predication
- Preposition stranding
- Verbs and Verb Phrases
-
- General
- Morphology
- Morphology
- 1 Word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 1.1.1 Compounds and their heads
- 1.1.2 Special types of compounds
- 1.1.2.1 Affixoids
- 1.1.2.2 Coordinative compounds
- 1.1.2.3 Synthetic compounds and complex pseudo-participles
- 1.1.2.4 Reduplicative compounds
- 1.1.2.5 Phrase-based compounds
- 1.1.2.6 Elative compounds
- 1.1.2.7 Exocentric compounds
- 1.1.2.8 Linking elements
- 1.1.2.9 Separable Complex Verbs and Particle Verbs
- 1.1.2.10 Noun Incorporation Verbs
- 1.1.2.11 Gapping
- 1.2 Derivation
- 1.3 Minor patterns of word formation
- 1.1 Compounding
- 2 Inflection
- 1 Word formation
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
- 0 Introduction to the AP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of APs
- 2 Complementation of APs
- 3 Modification and degree quantification of APs
- 4 Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative
- 5 Attribution of APs
- 6 Predication of APs
- 7 The partitive adjective construction
- 8 Adverbial use of APs
- 9 Participles and infinitives as APs
- Nouns and Noun Phrases (NPs)
- 0 Introduction to the NP
- 1 Characteristics and Classification of NPs
- 2 Complementation of NPs
- 3 Modification of NPs
- 3.1 Modification of NP by Determiners and APs
- 3.2 Modification of NP by PP
- 3.3 Modification of NP by adverbial clauses
- 3.4 Modification of NP by possessors
- 3.5 Modification of NP by relative clauses
- 3.6 Modification of NP in a cleft construction
- 3.7 Free relative clauses and selected interrogative clauses
- 4 Partitive noun constructions and constructions related to them
- 4.1 The referential partitive construction
- 4.2 The partitive construction of abstract quantity
- 4.3 The numerical partitive construction
- 4.4 The partitive interrogative construction
- 4.5 Adjectival, nominal and nominalised partitive quantifiers
- 4.6 Kind partitives
- 4.7 Partitive predication with a preposition
- 4.8 Bare nominal attribution
- 5 Articles and names
- 6 Pronouns
- 7 Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- 8 Interrogative pronouns
- 9 R-pronouns and the indefinite expletive
- 10 Syntactic functions of Noun Phrases
- Adpositions and Adpositional Phrases (PPs)
- 0 Introduction to the PP
- 1 Characteristics and classification of PPs
- 2 Complementation of PPs
- 3 Modification of PPs
- 4 Bare (intransitive) adpositions
- 5 Predication of PPs
- 6 Form and distribution of adpositions with respect to staticity and construction type
- 7 Adpositional complements and adverbials
- Verbs and Verb Phrases (VPs)
- 0 Introduction to the VP in Saterland Frisian
- 1 Characteristics and classification of verbs
- 2 Unergative and unaccusative subjects and the auxiliary of the perfect
- 3 Evidentiality in relation to perception and epistemicity
- 4 Types of to-infinitival constituents
- 5 Predication
- 5.1 The auxiliary of being and its selection restrictions
- 5.2 The auxiliary of going and its selection restrictions
- 5.3 The auxiliary of continuation and its selection restrictions
- 5.4 The auxiliary of coming and its selection restrictions
- 5.5 Modal auxiliaries and their selection restrictions
- 5.6 Auxiliaries of body posture and aspect and their selection restrictions
- 5.7 Transitive verbs of predication
- 5.8 The auxiliary of doing used as a semantically empty finite auxiliary
- 5.9 Supplementive predication
- 6 The verbal paradigm, irregularity and suppletion
- 7 Verb Second and the word order in main and embedded clauses
- 8 Various aspects of clause structure
- Adjectives and adjective phrases (APs)
-
- General
- Phonology
- Afrikaans phonology
- Segment inventory
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- The diphthongised long vowels /e/, /ø/ and /o/
- The unrounded mid-front vowel /ɛ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /ɑ/
- The unrounded low-central vowel /a/
- The rounded mid-high back vowel /ɔ/
- The rounded high back vowel /u/
- The rounded and unrounded high front vowels /i/ and /y/
- The unrounded and rounded central vowels /ə/ and /œ/
- The diphthongs /əi/, /œy/ and /œu/
- Overview of Afrikaans consonants
- The bilabial plosives /p/ and /b/
- The alveolar plosives /t/ and /d/
- The velar plosives /k/ and /g/
- The bilabial nasal /m/
- The alveolar nasal /n/
- The velar nasal /ŋ/
- The trill /r/
- The lateral liquid /l/
- The alveolar fricative /s/
- The velar fricative /x/
- The labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/
- The approximants /ɦ/, /j/ and /ʋ/
- Overview of Afrikaans vowels
- Word stress
- The phonetic properties of stress
- Primary stress on monomorphemic words in Afrikaans
- Background to primary stress in monomorphemes in Afrikaans
- Overview of the Main Stress Rule of Afrikaans
- The short vowels of Afrikaans
- Long vowels in monomorphemes
- Primary stress on diphthongs in monomorphemes
- Exceptions
- Stress shifts in place names
- Stress shift towards word-final position
- Stress pattern of reduplications
- Phonological processes
- Vowel related processes
- Consonant related processes
- Homorganic glide insertion
- Phonology-morphology interface
- Phonotactics
- Morphology
- Syntax
- Afrikaans syntax
- Nouns and noun phrases
- Characteristics of the NP
- Classification of nouns
- Complementation of NPs
- Modification of NPs
- Binominal and partitive constructions
- Referential partitive constructions
- Partitive measure nouns
- Numeral partitive constructions
- Partitive question constructions
- Partitive constructions with nominalised quantifiers
- Partitive predication with prepositions
- Binominal name constructions
- Binominal genitive constructions
- Bare nominal attribution
- Articles and names
- Pronouns
- Quantifiers, determiners and predeterminers
- Syntactic uses of the noun phrase
- Adjectives and adjective phrases
- Characteristics and classification of the AP
- Complementation of APs
- Modification and Degree Quantification of APs
- Comparison by comparative, superlative and equative degree
- Attribution of APs
- Predication of APs
- The partitive adjective construction
- Adverbial use of APs
- Participles and infinitives as adjectives
- Verbs and verb phrases
- Characterisation and classification
- Argument structure
- Verb frame alternations
- Complements of non-main verbs
- Verb clusters
- Complement clauses
- Adverbial modification
- Word order in the clause: Introduction
- Word order in the clause: position of the finite Verb
- Word order in the clause: Clause-initial position
- Word order in the clause: Extraposition and right-dislocation in the postverbal field
- Word order in the middle field
- Emphatic constructions
- Adpositions and adposition phrases
Although adpositional complementive phrases are normally spatial in nature, they can sometimes also receive a non-spatial interpretation. The following subsections will consecutively discuss (idiomatic) copular, resultative and vinden-constructions.
Non-spatial adpositional complementives are rare. The largest group by far consists of predicative prepositional phrases that denote a mental state, and therefore typically take a +humansubject. Some examples are given in (38); see Section 1.3.3, sub I, and A8.4, sub III for more examples. These PPs are mostly fixed, idiomatic expressions.
a. | Marie is in de wolken/'r sas/'r knollentuin. | |
Marie is in the clouds/her sas/her vegetable.garden | ||
'Marie is on cloud nine.' |
b. | Jan is van streek/over zʼn toeren. | |
Jan is van streek/over his toeren | ||
'Jan is distressed.' |
Although they seem less numerous, there are also more or less fixed expressions that are predicated of -human entities. Two examples are given in (39a&b). Perhaps we can also consider the possessive van-PP in (39c) as a complementive.
a. | Die regeling | is al drie jaar | van kracht. | |
that regulation | is already three years | in force | ||
'That regulation has been in effect for three years already.' |
b. | De voorzieningen | zijn | nog niet | op peil. | |
the facilities | are | yet not | on standard | ||
'The facilities are still not up to the required standard.' |
c. | Dit boek | is van Jan. | |
this book | is of Jan | ||
'This book belongs to Jan.' |
Below, we will investigate how these non-spatial complementives behave with respect to topicalization, scrambling, PP-over-V and R-extraction.
The examples in (41) show that scrambling of the complementives in (38) and (39) is prohibited. The primed examples do not improve if the moved PP is assigned contrastive stress.
a. | dat | Jan al de hele dag | in zʼn sas | is. | |
that | Jan already the whole day | in his sas | is |
a'. | * | dat Jan in zʼn sas al de hele dag is. |
b. | dat | de regeling | al drie jaar | van kracht | is. | |
that | the regulation | already three years | in force | is |
b'. | * | dat de regeling van kracht al drie jaar is. |
c. | dat | dit boek | waarschijnlijk | van Jan | is. | |
that | this book | probably | of Jan | is |
c'. | * | dat dit boek van Jan waarschijnlijk is. |
PP-over-V of the complementives in (38) and (39) gives rise to a degraded result, just as in the case of the spatial complementives.
a. | dat | Jan in zʼn sas is. | |
that | Jan is in his sas |
a'. | * | dat | Jan is in zʼn sas. |
b. | dat | die regeling | al | drie jaar | van kracht | is. | |
that | that regulation | already | three years | in force | is |
b'. | * | dat die regeling al drie jaar is van kracht. |
c. | dat | dit boek | van Jan | is. | |
that | this book | of Jan | is |
c'. | * | dat dit boek is van Jan. |
Non-spatial complementives generally do not allow R-extraction, which may be due to the idiomatic nature of these constructions, that is, to the fact that the complements of the prepositions normally do not refer to an entities in the domain of discourse. If this suggestion is on the right track, example (43a) is unacceptable because the complement of the PP, sas, has no denotation at all and example (43a') is only acceptable if the complement of the PP is interpreted literally, that is, if knollentuin refers to some kind of garden. Something similar holds for example (43b), since the noun kracht has no denotation in the domain of discourse. The possessive construction in (43c) is possible due to the fact that the noun jongen does have a denotation.
a. | * | de sas | waar | Jan in is |
the sas | where | Jan in is |
a'. | # | de knollentuin | waar | Jan in is |
the vegetable.garden | where | Jan in is |
b. | * | de kracht | waar | de regeling | van | is |
the force | where | the regulation | in | is |
c. | de jongen | waar | dit boek | van | is | |
the boy | where | this book | of | is | ||
'the boy to whom this book belongs' |
This subsection is concerned with non-spatial adpositional resultative constructions like those given in (44). Such constructions generally involve a prepositional phrase headed by the preposition tot (literally “until”) followed by a bare (possibly modified) noun phrase and express that, as the result of some action of the subject of the clause, the referent of the accusative argument in the clause obtains the state of having the property denoted by the nominal complement of the preposition, that is, that it obtains the state of being a knight, a chairman, or a teacher, respectively.
a. | De koningin | slaat | Els | morgen | tot ridder in de orde van Oranje-Nassau. | |
the queen | hits | Els | tomorrow | tot knight in the order of Orange-Nassau | ||
'The queen will knight Els tomorrow.' |
b. | We | benoemen | Marie morgen | tot voorzitter van het AVT-bestuur. | |
we | appoint | Marie tomorrow | tot chairman of the AVT-board | ||
'Tomorrow, we appoint Marie chairman of the AVT-board.' |
c. | We | leiden | onze studenten | binnen een jaar | tot leraar | op. | |
we | train | our students | within a year | tot teacher | prt. | ||
'We train our students as teachers within a year.' |
In (45a), we give some more examples that involve the preposition tot. The resultative construction is not restricted to PPs headed by tot: in (45b&c), we give other potential examples involving als, and in/te. The discussion below will focus on the examples in (45a).
a. | tot ridder slaan'to knight', tot vijand maken'to make into an enemy', aanstellen tot (penningmeester)'to appoint (treasurer)', bekeren tot (christen)'to convert to Christianity', benoemen tot (secretaris)'to appoint to (secretary)', bevorderen tot (generaal)'promote to general', promoveren tot doctor'to take the doctor degree', tot moes stampen'to hit to pulp', tot schuim kloppen'to whip to foam'tot ridder slaan'to knight', tot vijand maken'to make into an enemy', aanstellen tot (penningmeester)'to appoint (treasurer)', bekeren tot (christen)'to convert to Christianity', benoemen tot (secretaris)'to appoint to (secretary)', bevorderen tot (generaal)'promote to general', promoveren tot doctor'to take the doctor degree', tot moes stampen'to hit to pulp', tot schuim kloppen'to whip to foam' |
b. | aanstellen als'to appoint as', benoemen als'to appoint as', kiezen als'to elect as', erkennen als'to recognize as' |
c. | in scherven/te pletter vallen'to smash to smithereens', in mootjes hakken'to cut into pieces' |
As in the case of the spatial complementives, topicalization gives rise to a fully acceptable result, provided that the complement of the PP is assigned emphatic accent.
a. | Tot ridder | slaat | de koningin Els morgen. | |
tot knight | hits | the queen Els tomorrow |
b. | Tot voorzitter | benoemen | we Marie morgen. | |
tot chairman | appoint | we Marie tomorrow |
c. | Tot leraar | leiden | we onze studenten | binnen een jaar | op. | |
tot teacher | train | we our students | within a year | prt. |
Scrambling is categorically blocked and, again, the non-spatial resultatives behave like the spatial ones in this respect.
a. | dat | de koningin | Els morgen | tot ridder | slaat. | |
that | the queen | Els tomorrow | tot knight | hits |
a'. | * | dat de koningin Els tot ridder morgen slaat. |
b. | dat | we Marie morgen | tot voorzitter | benoemen. | |
that | we Marie tomorrow | tot chairman | appoint |
b'. | * | dat we Marie tot voorzitter morgen benoemen. |
c. | dat | we onze studenten | binnen een jaar | tot leraar | opleiden. | |
that | we our students | within a year | tot teacher | prt.-train |
c'. | * | dat we onze studenten tot leraar binnen een jaar opleiden. |
The question as to whether non-spatial adpositional resultatives allow PP-over-V is complex. The (a)-examples in (48) suggest that PP-over-V is prohibited, but the (b)- and (c)-examples show that in the majority of cases PP-over-V is allowed.
a. | dat | de koningin | Els | morgen | tot ridder | slaat. | |
that | the queen | Els | tomorrow | tot knight | hits |
a'. | * | dat de koningin Els morgen slaat tot ridder. |
b. | dat | we Marie morgen | tot voorzitter | benoemen. | |
that | we Marie tomorrow | tot chairman | appoint |
b'. | dat we Marie morgen benoemen tot voorzitter. |
c. | dat | we onze studenten | binnen een jaar | tot leraar | opleiden. | |
that | we our students | within a year | tot teacher | prt.-train |
c'. | dat we onze studenten binnen een jaar opleiden tot leraar. |
This difference in acceptability of PP-over-V seems to be related to the fact that the verb in the (a)-examples is simple, whereas it is prefixed or combined with a verbal particle in the (b)- and (c)-examples. The examples in (49), which were given earlier in (25) and (26), show that in the case of locational constructions also, the addition of a particle like neer'down' lifts the prohibition on PP-over-V of the PP; (49b) is only acceptable if the particle neer is present, and thus suggests that the difference between (48a') and (48c') can also be accounted for by the fact that only the latter involves a verbal particle. The acceptability of (48b') shows that a prefixed verb like benoemen essentially behaves like a particle verb in this respect. For completeness' sake, (49c) shows that the locational PP resembles the PPs in (48) in that it resists scrambling.
a. | dat | Jan het boek | gisteren | op de tafel | (neer) | legde. | |
that | Jan the book | yesterday | on the table | down | put | ||
'that Jan put the book (down) on the table yesterday.' |
b. | dat Jan het boek gisteren *?(neer) legde op de tafel. |
c. | dat Jan het boek op de tafel gisteren *?(neer) legde. |
Interestingly, the verb need not be complex from a synchronic point of view given that benoemen in (48b) is not productively related to the verb noemen'to mention/call'; the mere fact that be- is still recognizable as a prefix is apparently sufficient to license PP-over-V. Examples (50) and (51) give two more resultative verbs that allow PP-over-V but are (synchronically speaking) not derived by means of prefixation. For veranderen'to change', this is quite clear since the verb anderen is not part of the present-day vocabulary (according to the Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal), it used to occur with the same meaning as non-causative veranderen in syntactic frames like (50a)). The doubly-primed examples show that, like the other PPs discussed above, the PP in een schildpad'into a turtle' in (50) cannot undergo scrambling.
a. | dat | de heks | gisteren | in een schildpad | veranderde. | |
that | the witch | yesterday | into a turtle | changed |
a'. | dat de heks gisteren veranderde in een schildpad. |
a''. | * | dat de heks in een schildpad gisteren veranderde. |
b. | dat de heks | de kabouter | gisteren | in een schildpad | veranderde. | |
that the witch | the goblin | yesterday | into a turtle | changed | ||
'that the witch turned the goblin into a turtle.' |
b'. | dat de heks de kabouter gisteren veranderde in een schildpad. |
b''. | * | dat de heks de kabouter in een schildpad gisteren veranderde. |
Semantically, the verb herleiden (tot)'to reduce (to)' is only remotely related to leiden'to direct' and it is therefore doubtful whether present-day speakers are still able to relate the two verbs. Scrambling of the PP is again excluded.
a. | dat | ze | het probleem | gelukkig | tot een misverstand | konden herleiden. | |
that | they | the problem | fortunately | to a misconception | could reduce | ||
'that they could fortunately reduce the problem to a misconception.' |
b. | dat ze het probleem gelukkig konden herleiden tot een misverstand. |
c. | * | dat ze het probleem tot een misverstand gelukkig konden herleiden. |
The examples in (52) show that R-extraction leads to a degraded or at least marked result. This may be due to the fact that the nouns denote properties and do not refer to specific entities in the domain of discourse.
a. | * | dat | de koningin | hem | er | toe | sloeg. |
that | the queen | him | there | toe | hit |
a'. | * | de waardigheid | waar | de koningin | hem | toe | sloeg |
the dignity | where | the queen | him | toe | hit |
b. | *? | dat | we Marie er | toe | benoemen. |
that | we Marie there | toe | appoint |
b'. | ? | de functie | waar | we Marie toe | benoemen |
the function | where | we Marie toe | appoint |
c. | *? | dat | we onze studenten | er | toe | opleiden. |
that | we our students | there | toe | prt.-train |
c'. | ? | het beroep | waar | we onze studenten | toe | opleiden |
the profession | where | we our students | toe | prt.-train |
That we are dealing with a semantic and not with a syntactic constraint on R-extraction can be supported by the fact illustrated in (53) that the syntactically similar locational resultative construction with a particle verb in (49) does allow it.
a. | dat | Jan het boek er | gisteren | op | neer | legde. | |
that | Jan the book there | yesterday | on | down | put | ||
'that Jan put the book down on it yesterday.' |
b. | de tafel | waar | Jan het boek | gisteren | op | neer | legde | |
the table | where | Jan the book | yesterday | on | down | put | ||
'the table on which Jan put the book down yesterday' |
Examples such as (51), in which the complement of the preposition is preceded by an article and hence more likely to refer to some entity, also seems to give rise to a better result, at least in the relative clause construction in (54b).
a. | ? | dat | ze | het probleem | er | gelukkig | toe | konden | herleiden. |
that | they | the problem | there | fortunately | toe | could | reduce | ||
'that they fortunately were able to reduce the problem to it.' |
b. | het misverstand | waar | ze | het probleem | toe | konden herleiden | |
the misconception | where | they | the problem | toe | could reduce | ||
'The misconception that they were fortunately able to reduce the problem to.' |
The name vinden-construction is in fact a misnomer for the constructions discussed in this subsection, because they do not involve the verb vinden'to consider', but the verbs in (55). However, like true vinden- constructions such as Ik vind Marie aardig'I consider Marie nice', constructions headed by the verbs in (55) express a subjective evaluation by the referent of the subject of the clause. The verbs in the (a)-examples are followed by a phrase headed by als and those in the (b)-examples by a phrase headed by voor.
a. | behandelen als'to treat as', beschouwen als'to consider' |
b. | aanzien voor'to mistake for', houden voor'to look upon as', uitmaken voor'to call (names)', verslijten voor'to take for' |
The phrases headed by als and voor take a (possibly modified) adjective, a bare noun or a noun preceded by the indefinite determiner een'a' as their complement. The complement is used to denote some property attributed to the referent of the accusative argument of the clause by the referent of the subject of the clause. The number of verbs that can be used in this construction is quite limited. Some full-fledged examples are given in (56).
a. | Ik | beschouwde | hem | als | heel knap/(een) held. | |
I | considered | him | als | very bright/a hero | ||
'I considered him very bright/a hero.' |
b. | Ze | versleten | Peter voor dom. | |
they | took | Peter voor stupid | ||
'They took Peter for stupid.' |
c. | Ze | zien | Peter voor gek | aan. | |
they | see | Peter voor foolish | prt. | ||
'They see Peter as foolish.' |
c'. | Ze | zagen | Peter voor | iemand anders/een dief | aan. | |
they | saw | Peter voor | someone else/a thief | prt. | ||
'They mistake Peter for someone else/a thief.' |
d. | Ze | maakten | Marie | voor | leugenaar | uit. | |
they | made | Marie | voor | liar | prt. | ||
'They called Marie a liar.' |
It is important to note that there are various unsolved problems with the constructions in (56). First, it is not clear whether als should be seen as a preposition; cf. Section 1.4, sub I. Neither is it clear what determines whether the noun can or cannot be preceded by the indefinite article een'a': the article optionally precedes the noun held in (56a), it must precede the noun dief in (56c'), and it cannot precede the noun leugenaar in (56d). The verb verslijten in (56b) seems to require that the property denoted by the complement of voor be negatively valued: *Ze versleten Peter voor slim (intended reading: “They took Peter for a smart person”). We will ignore all these questions and leave them for future research.
Just as in the case of the non-spatial resultative constructions, the “vinden”-constructions are headed by prefixed verbs, as in (56a&b), or particle verbs, as in (56c&d). Note that from a synchronic point of view the prefixed verbs are not derived by means of a productive process: beschouwen is not perceived as being derived from schouwen'to look (at)', which is archaic anyway, and neither is verslijten perceived as being derived from slijten'to wear (out)'; the productively derived form verslijten means “to wear out”. The following subsections will discuss the behavior of the “vinden”-constructions in (56) with respect to topicalization, scrambling, PP-over-V and R-extraction.
The examples in (57) show that, if the adpositional phrase is assigned emphatic accent, topicalization generally gives rise to a reasonably acceptable result in the “vinden”-construction.
a. | ? | Als | heel knap/(een)held | beschouwde | ik | hem. |
als | very bright/a hero | considered | I | him |
b. | Voor dom | versleten | ze | Peter. | |
voor stupid | took | they | Peter |
c. | Voor gek | zien | ze | Peter aan. | |
voor foolish | see | they | Peter prt. |
c'. | Voor | iemand anders | zagen | ze | Peter | aan. | |
voor | someone else/a thief | saw | they | Peter | prt. |
d. | Voor | leugenaar | maakten | ze | Marie uit. | |
voor | liar | made | they | Marie prt. |
Scrambling leads to an unacceptable result in the “vinden”-construction.
a. | Ik | beschouwde | hem | altijd | al | als | heel knap/held. | |
I | considered | him | always | already | als | very bright/hero |
a'. | * | Ik beschouwde hem als | heel knap/held altijd al. |
b. | Ze | versleten | Peter vaak | voor dom. | |
they | took | Peter often | voor stupid |
b'. | * | Ze versleten Peter voor dom vaak. |
c. | Ze | zagen | Peter natuurlijk | voor | gek/iemand anders | aan. | |
they | saw | Peter of.course | voor | foolish/someone else | prt. |
c'. | * | Ze zagen Peter voor gek/iemand anders natuurlijk aan. |
d. | Ze | maakten | Marie | gisteren | voor leugenaar | uit. | |
they | made | Marie | yesterday | voor liar | prt. |
d'. | * | Ze maakten Marie voor | leugenaar gisteren uit. |
Since we are dealing with prefixed verbs and particle verbs, our discussion of PP-over-V in resultative constructions in Subsection II would lead us to expect that PP-over-V is acceptable. This expectation is only partly borne out; the examples in (59) show that PP-over-V is marked in the “vinden”-construction if the complement of the preposition is adjectival in nature.
a. | dat | ik | hem | altijd | al | als | held/heel knap | beschouwde. | |
that | I | him | always | already | als | hero/very bright | considered |
a'. | dat ik hem altijd al beschouwde als held/?heel knap. |
b. | dat | ze | Peter altijd | al | voor dom | versleten. | |
that | they | Peter always | already | voor stupid | took |
b'. | ?? | dat ze Peter altijd al versleten voor dom. |
c. | dat | ze | Peter voor | iemand anders/gek | aanzagen. | |
that | they | Peter voor | someone else/foolish | prt.-saw |