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1.2.7 Pseudo-participles

Pseudo-participles are adjectives that show participial affixes although they are not derived from verbs. Some pseudo-participles are historically related to verbs but have developed into lexicalised adjectives, e.g. behot ‘careful’. Other pseudo-participles have no relation to verbs at all, e.g. ruutjed ‘checkered’. The distinction is sometimes hard to determine, e.g. kringeld ‘ornated with circles’ may be related to the verb kringelje ‘to encircle’, but ruutjed ‘checkered’ has a similar meaning without any corresponding verb.

Some examples of the first type are:

behot (‘careful’), bejierd ‘elderly’, bekoand (‘well-known’), feräärmd (‘impoverished’), ferknald ‘in love, ferswit (‘transpired’), oulain (‘remote’), oulieuwed (‘tired’), truchwäited (‘soaking wet’)

Some examples of the second type are:

blöimed, blöimked (‘floral’), klaamd (‘mud’), ruutjed (‘checkered’)

Note, by the way, that the input of the words blöimked and ruutjed are diminutives (see [1.2.8]diminutives].

Pseudo-participles are adjectives. They can, for example, be prefixed by the negative elements mis-, won- or uun- (see also: [1.2.3]). The prefix uun- usually triggers the (High German) element -ge-, when the verb itself is not prefixed. (Compare Westerlauwers Frisian: ûngeseane aaien ‘unboiled eggs’.) Adjectives like uungebaand (‘unburned’) are formally distinct from real pseudo-participles, because the element -ge- does not belong to Saterland Frisian participial morphology.

miswoaksen (‘crooked’), wonskepen (‘misshapen’), uungebaand (‘unburned’ [beans]), uungedäin (‘unfinished’), uunfertjoond (‘undeserved’)

Pseudo-participles can also be prefixed by unstressed truch:

truchdroankt (‘imbued’), truchdrieuwen (‘cunning’), truchfäärzen (freezing from cold’)

Some Saterland Frisian ‘participial’ adjectives combine with -ge- even without the negative prefix uun-, e.g. gewäipend ‘armed’, gesät ‘fat’ and ougelain ‘remote’ (alsongside with oulain). Pseudo-participles can also adopt a less participial shape by showing the ‘wrong’ participial ending, e.g. foolden (‘folded’), soalten (‘salted’). (The verbs foolde ‘to fold’ and soaltje ‘to salt’ are weak verbs. The past participles are foolded and soolted.)

Pseudo-participles can also feature the non-native ending -ierd (from -ierje), cf. [] verbal affixation.

bombardierd (‘bombarded’), uunskefierd (‘unharmed’), ferrotterierd (‘agitated’), rizzelwierd (‘resolute’)

Just like past participles, present participles can get lexicalised.

aalwietend (‘omniscient’), brekend (ful) (‘packed’), klingend (‘sounding [name’), lieuwend (‘living, alive’), ljoachtskienend (‘[burning] ferociously’), lopend (‘running [water]’), moordjend (‘very unpleasant’), sniedend (freezing [cold]’)

The original present participle lichtmölkend (‘easy-to-milk’) is semantically passive.

Present pseudo-participles can evolve into regular adjectives with –(e)n endings instead of -(e)nd endings, e.g. wonwieten ‘insane’. Such adjectives often denote extreme properties, e.g. moordjend ‘vey unpleasant’. Some of them are used as high degree or intensifying adverbs, e.g. wonwietenfroai ‘insanely beautiful’. (Cf. Westerlauwers Frisian razen ‘furious’, gleon hjit, lit.’glowing hot’.)

moordjen(d) (‘very unpleasant’), naigungen (‘pushy’), wonwieten (‘insane(ly)’)

In the adjective proppenful ‘packed’, the pseudo-participle proppen(d) has become part of an elative compounding (see [] elative compoundings).

Complex pseudo-participial adjectives like loangbeend ‘long-legged’ are discussed in [] synthetic compounds.

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