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3.3.2 Accusative and PP alternations
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The Accusative or Direct Object of a transitiveclause is represented in various ways in alternating constructions, most often as a Prepositional Phrase or PP, of which the Noun Phrase or NP of the one corresponds referentially to the Direct Object/ Accusative of the other. The PP may loosely relate to the proposition as one of several adjunct types, for instance a LOCATIVE, or have specific roles in relation to the main verb, such as AGENT, INSTRUMENT or SOURCE. No distinction will be made between a PP functioning as an adjunct, on the one hand, or as a complement of the verb, on the other, in the discussion to follow. The first alternation is that between a Direct Object and a PP headed by the prepositionvirfor - a vir PP in short.

The alternation of a vir PP with an Accusative NP, or simply appending vir to the Direct Object of a transitive verb under certain conditions, as in (1), is unique to Afrikaans amongst the Germanic languages, and not to be confused with the use of vir as an alternant of other prepositions in ditransitive constructions, as in (2). (See discussion of dative-PP alternations.)

Example 1

Kosie sien gister vir Karen op die strand.
Kosie see yesterday for Karen on the beach
Kosie saw Karen on the beach yesterday.
Example 2

Die bestuurder gee vir / aan Karen 'n nuwe opdrag.
the manager give for / to Karen a new assignment
The manager gave Karen a new assignment.

Direct Objects referring mainly to human beings and personified entities are preceded by an optional (or sometimes obligatory) vir to mark a definite constituent, such as a personal pronoun, personal name or an appellative employed as an indirect form of address, as new information in the thematic section of a proposition (see Molnárfi 1997). Thus, in (1), siento see is a transitive verb, Karen has human reference and vir is obligatory after gisteryesterday, which marks the beginning of the rhematic section.

Semantically, vir as used in (1) differs from other prepositions in not contributing to the meaning of the proposition, nor does it weaken transitivity, as in the case of aanon in (3b) as against (3a), i.e. while in (3a) the bone constitutes the entire goal of the chewing action, (3b) only implies that the action is directed at the bone.

Example 3

a. Die hond kou die been stukkend.
the dog chew the bone broken.ADJ
The dog is chewing the bone to bits.
b. Die hond kou heeldag aan die been.
the dog chew whole-day on the bone
The dog chews the bone all day long.

Vir clauses also differ syntactically from those with other prepositions. Thus vir is optional in (4) and in topicalisation, as in (5), but ruled out in the subject of a passive construction, as in (6).

Example 4

Sy sien (vir) Salome in die saal.
she see for Salome in the hall
She sees Salome in the hall.
Example 5

(Vir) haar sien ek nooit weer nie.
for her see I never again NEG
Her, I'll never see again.
Example 6

(*Vir) Salome is deur iemand in die saal gesien.
for Salome be.AUX.PASS.PST by somebody in the hall PST.PTCP-see
Salome was seen by someone in the hall.

Other alternations between an Accusative or Direct Object and a PP are also possible. A full NP referring, for instance, to a musical instrument, as die ou vioolthe old violin in (7a), may be reduced to a single noun as Direct Object to express a generic sense, as in (7b).

Example 7

a. Salome speel op die ou viool.
Salome play on the old violin
Salome is playing on the old violin.
b. Salome speel al tien jaar lank viool.
Salome play already ten year long violin
Salome has been playing the violin for ten years.

A construction with a PP headed by aanon as in (8b) (also cf. (3b) above) may indicate that the action has only had a partial effect on the THEME, for instance a temporarily or permanently successful attempt to produce a certain effect.

Example 8

a. Salome pluk die snare heftig.
Salome pluck the strings vehemently
Salome is plucking the strings vehemently.
b. Salome pluk heftig aan die snare.
Salome pluck vehemently on the strings
Salome is plucking vehemently at the strings.

The THEME of verbs with be- or ver- as prefix, as in the Accusative of (9a), may also be expressed by the PP of its prefixless variant, as in (9b).

Example 9

a. Salome bespeel die viool al lank.
Salome play.on the violin already long
Salome has been playing the violin for a long time.
b. Salome speel al lank op die viool.
Salome play already long on the violin
Salome has been playing on this violin for a long time.

In a number of instances there seems to be a functional switch between the role of the Accusative in constructions in which a prefixed verb alternates with its non-prefixed corollary. Thus, the alternation between ontneemdeprive of and neemtake might favour different roles as arguments, such as SOURCE, onsus in (10a), and THEME, al ons regteall our rights in (10b) as Direct Object. Alternations are also found where THEME alternates with EXPERIENCER, RECIPIENT and INSTRUMENT.

Example 10

a. Hulle ontneem ons van al ons regte.
they deprive us of all our rights
They are depriving us of all our rights.
b. Hulle neem al ons regte van ons weg.
they take all our rights from us away
They are depriving us of all our rights.

The following alternations will be discussed more extensively:

  • (a) Accusative and Direct Object vir PP alternation
  • (b) Generic Accusative and non-generic PP alternation
  • (c) Telic Accusative and atelic PP alternation
  • (d) Thematic Accusative and PP alternation
  • (e) Accusative as THEME or SOURCE, etc.
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[+] (a) Accusative and Direct Object vir PP alternation

The Accusative regularly alternates with a PP headed by virfor, particularly with human referents, such as names of persons, titles, forms of address. Molnárfi (1997), with reference to Raidt (1969 and 1979), Van Schoor (1983), Ponelis (1979) and others, argues at length that the vir PP with mono-transitive verbs has the function of case marking a constituent as Accusative or Direct Object rather than serving as a Prepositional Object or Adjunct. Vir marking mainly serves a discursive function, namely to mark the Direct Object as new information. The vir PP is therefore located in the Verb Phrase, being the thematic section of the proposition.

Though often omitted in formal speech, vir is obligatory in colloquial speech according to Ponelis (1979:203) .

The use of vir as an Accusative marker is said to stem from the Portuguese Creole of the slaves. The sentence ne misti dali pro miDo not hit me recorded in a court case of 1765 and quoted by J.L.M. Franken, is the first indication of this usage (cf. Raidt 1976:196). Molnárfi (1997:103) points out that this usage in turn derives from a productive Accusative marker a in standard Portuguese.

Semantics
Semantically, vir only combines with personal objects, as in (11a), does not weaken transitivity like other prepositions, as in (12b), and highlights new information in the rheme section of the clause, which is thought to commence with an adverb such as gisteryesterday, cf. (13b).Note that the external asterisk in (13b) indicates that the element referred to, is obligatory.

Example 11

a. Sy hoor môre (vir) haar ma.
she hear tomorrow for her mom
She will be hearing her mom tomorrow.
b. Sy hoor môre (*vir) 'n nuwe liedjie.
she hear tomorrow for a new song.DIM
She will be hearing a new song tomorrow.
Example 12

a. Sy proe die wyn.
she taste the wine
She is tasting the wine.
b. Sy proe aan die wyn.
she taste on the wine
She is trying to taste the wine.
Example 13

a. Sy het (vir) hom gister gesien.
she have.AUX for him yesterday PST.PTCP-see
She saw him yesterday.
b. Sy het gister *(vir) hom gesien.
she have.AUX yesterday for him PST.PTCP-see
Him, she saw yesterday.

The personal Object is more specifically a personal name (or the name of a personified animal, etc.), as in (14), or an indirect form of address in which a title, etc. replaces a pronoun, as in (15a), or merely as a form of reference, as in (15b).

Example 14

Ek sien môre *(vir) Jan.
I see tomorrow for Jan
I'll be seeing Jan tomorrow.
Example 15

a. Ek sien môre *(vir) Dokter.
I see tomorrow for doctor
I see you tomorrow, Doctor.
b. Ek sien môre *(vir) dokter.
I see tomorrow for doctor
I am seeing the doctor tomorrow.

Vir is optional with a human substantive, as in (16), but excluded with a non-human substantive, as in (17).

Example 16

Sy sien môre (vir) 'n/die dokter.
she see tomorrow for a/the doctor
She sees a/the doctor tomorrow.
Example 17

Sy sien môre (*vir) 'n/die diamant.
she see tomorrow for a/the diamond
She is seeing a/the diamond tomorrow.

The use of vir extends to animal names, as in (18), and, according to Ponelis (1979:202), even to place names, as in (19).

Example 18

Ek hoor vir Bonzo oorkant die straat blaf.
I hear for Bonzo over-side the street bark.INF
I hear Bonzo barking on the other side of the street.
Example 19

Jy moet vir Bettysbaai sien ná die brand.
you must for Betty's-Bay see.INF after the fire
You should see Betty's Bay after the fire.

Syntax
Syntactically, vir, unlike prepositions in general such as nato in (20b), may be optional, as in (20a), but is excluded in the passive, as in (21a). The entire PP, na homto him, of the active is retained as subject of the passive, cf. (21b).

Example 20

a. Sy hoor (vir) hom.
she hear for hom
She hears him.
b. Sy luister *(na) hom.
she listen to him
She is listening to him.
Example 21

a. Hy / (*vir hom) word gehoor.
he for hom become.AUX.PASS.PRS PST.PTCP-hear
He is heard.
b. (*Hy) / Na hom word geluister.
he to him become.AUX.PASS.PRS PST.PTCP-listen

Constituent order
Vir is obligatory after an adverb, as in (22a), or negative particle, as in (23a) (though pace Molnárfi not in an infinitive clause, cf. (24)).

Example 22

a. Sy hoor môre *(vir) hom.
she hear tomorrow for him
She will be hearing him tomorrow.
b. Sy hoor (?vir) hom môre.
she hear for him tomorrow
She will be hearing him tomorrow.
Example 23

a. Sy hoor nie môre *(vir) hom nie.
she hear not tomorrow for him PTCL.NEG
She will not be hearing him tomorrow.
b. Sy hoor (?vir) hom nie môre nie.
she hear for him not tomorrow PTCL.NEG
She will not be hearing him tomorrow.
Example 24

Dit is altyd lekker om (vir) haar te sien.
it be.PRS always nice COMP for her to see
It is always nice to see her.

The placement of the vir PP, as in (25a), is much freer than that of the corresponding Accusative, cf. (25b):

Example 25

a. Sy het <?vir hom> vandag <vir hom> by die sport <vir hom> gesien.
she have.AUX for him today for him at the sport for him PST.PTCP-see
She saw him at the sports today.
b. Sy het <hom> vandag <*hom> by die sport <*hom> gesien.
she have.AUX him today him at the sport him PST.PTCP-see
She saw him at the sports today.

Stranding
When a vir PP alternates with an Accusative with human reference, the preposition vir is not stranded, either as the full form voor or as vir.

Example 26

a. Dit is die ou vir wie ek ken.
this be.COP.PRS the guy for who I know
This is the guy I know.
b. *Dit is die ou wat ek voor/vir ken.
this be.COP.PRS the guy who I for/for know
To mean: This is the guy I know.

Voorstranding is, however, permitted in the case of non-human reference, as in (27a), which may derive from (27b).

Example 27

a. Waar is die bankvorms wat ek weke gelede voor gevra het?
where be.COP.PRS the bank-forms which I weeks ago for PST.PTCP-ask have.AUX.PST
Where are the bank forms which I requested weeks ago?
TK
b. Ek het weke gelede (vir) die bankvorms gevra.
I have.AUX.PST weeks ago for the bank-forms PST.PTCP-ask
I requested the bank forms weeks ago.

Topicalisation
A vir PP topicalises like any other PP, as in (28), but unlike other prepositions, as in (29), vir can be omitted. Depending on context and accentuation, the preposed constituent can either be focus (new information) or background (link with preceding context).

Example 28

a. Ons hoor môre weer vir hom.
we hear tomorrow again for him
We are hearing him again tomorrow.
b. Vir hom hoor ons môre weer.
for him hear we tomorrow again
We are hearing him again tomorrow.
c. Hom hoor ons môre weer.
him hear we tomorrow again
We are hearing him again tomorrow.
Example 29

a. Ons luister môre weer na hom.
we listen tomorrow again to him
We are listening to him again tomorrow.
b. Na hom luister ons môre weer.
to him listen we tomorrow again
We are listening to him again tomorrow.
c. *Hom luister ons môre weer.
him listen we tomorrow again
To mean:We are listening to him again tomorrow.

Emotive use
Virfor is often employed in emotive contexts, including reflexives:

Example 30

Allawêreld, ek ken mos vir jou!
EXCLAM I know MOD.PRT for you
Good gracious, don't I know you!
Example 31

Skaam (vir) jou!
shame for you
Shame on you!

The THEME or INSTRUMENT involved in certain activities, for example the playing of musical instruments or riding on horseback, is expressed by a PP, as in (32). The PP alternates with a single noun to express the activity as such, as in (33). This form of syntactic restriction is referred to by Ponelis (1979:201) as preposition strippingvoorsetselstroping. The activities as such are sometimes embodied in compounds, e.g. vioolspelviolin playing, perdryhorse riding and skyfskiettarget shooting.

Example 32

Anne-Sophie speel vanaand op die duur viool.
Anne-Sophie play tonight on the expensive violin
Anne-Sophie is playing on the expensive violin tonight.
Example 33

Hulle speel viool terwyl Rome brand.
they play violin while Rome burn
They are playing the violin while Rome is burning.
VivA-KP

Other examples of this alternation are:

Example 34

a. Pieter luister op die oomblik na die radio.
Pieter listen on the moment to the radio
Pieter is listening to the radio at the moment.
b. Pieter luister gereeld radio.
Pieter listen regularly radio
Pieter listens to the radio regularly.
Example 35

a. Saartjie kyk aandagtig na die TV.
Saartjies look attentively to the TV
Saartjie looks at the TV attentively.
b. Saartjie kyk graag TV.
Saartjie watch eagerly TV
Saartjie likes to watch TV.
Example 36

a. Die boere ry op die wilde perd.
the farmers ride on the wild horse
The farmers are riding the wild horse.
b. Die boere ry graag perd.
the farmers ride eagerly horse
The formers like to ride on horseback.
Example 37

a. Sy skiet vandag op/na 'n moeilike skyf.
she shoot today on/to a difficult target
She is shooting at a difficult target today.
b. Sy skiet graag skyf.
she shoot eagerly target
She likes target shooting.

The Accusative or Direct Object may alternate with a PP in what Ponelis (1979:199) terms complete vs partial transitivity. More specifically, when the Accusative alternates with an aan PP, the construction with the PP may describe an attempt by the agent at completing the action expressed by the verb, or the action can be described as hesitant, exploratory, incomplete or substitutive. The contrast can also be described as telic or atelic, respectively. Suggestions of completeness, such as klaarfinished in (38a), flentersin rags in (39a), afdown in (40a) and opup in (41a) are therefore not acceptable in the PP clauses. Thus, while the Accusative undergoes the full effect of the action specified by the verb, the referent of the PP is only partially subjected to the action of the verb.

Example 38

a. Die messelaars bou die muur (klaar).
the masons build the wall finished
The masons (are finishing) building the wall.
b. Die messelaars bou aan 'n muur (*klaar).
the masons build on a wall finished
The masons are building a wall.
Example 39

a. Die hond kou die been (flenters).
the dog chew the bone in.pieces
The dog is chewing up the bone completely.
b. Die hond lê en kou aan die been (*flenters).
the dog lie and chew on the bone in pieces
The dog lies chewing the bone.
Example 40

a. Die kinders trek die kloktou (af).
the children pull the bell-rope down
The children are pulling the bell rope (down).
b. Die kinders trek aan die kloktou (*af).
the children pull on the bell-rope down
The children are pulling on the bell rope.
Example 41

a. Die gaste eet hulle kos vinnig (op).
the guests eat their food quickly up
The guests are eating their food (up) quickly.
b. Die gaste eet maar langtand aan hulle kos (*op).
the gueasts eat rather long-tooth on their food up
The guests are eating their food rather reluctantly.

With onderunder, among as preposition, the alternation may describe a partitive or part-whole relationship:

Example 42

a. Die tuinier snoei die struike (kort).
the gardener prune the shrubs short
The gardener prunes the shrubs (short).
b. Die tuinier snoei onder die struike (*kort).
the gardener prune under the shrubs short
The gardener is pruning amongst the shrubs.
Example 43

a. Die leeus vang die bokke (almal).
the lions catch the buck.PL all
The lions catch (all) the buck.
b. Die leeus vang onder die bokke (*almal).
the lions catch under the buck.PL all
The lions are making catches among the buck.

With metwith as preposition, the NP may be reduced to INSTRUMENT, i.e. while haar kopher head has the role of Theme in (44a), it is an instrument of expression in (44b).

Example 44

a. Sy knik haar kop (ontkennend).
she nod her head negatively
She nods her head in the negative.
b. Sy knik met haar kop (*ontkennend).
She nod her head.
She is nodding her head.
Example 45

a. Die dirigent swaai sy stokkie (op maat van die musiek).
the conductor wave his baton on tempo of the musiek
The conductor waves his baton in time to the music.
b. Die dirigent swaai met sy stokkie (?op maat van die musiek).
the conductor wave with his baton on time of the music
The conductor waves with his baton (?in time to the music).

The THEME expressed by the Accusative or Direct Object of a number of transitive verbs with be- as prefix, as in (46b), (47b) and (48b), is expressed by PPs in (46a), (47a) and (48a). Such prefixed verbs are in some cases pejorative while the corresponding PP constructions are not, e.g. iemand belieglie to someone as against om vir iemand te liegto lie to someone, and iets vertraptrample on something as against om op iets te trapto step on something.

Example 46

a. Hy kan op die viool speel met 'n sigeunerpassie.
he can on the violin play with a gypsy-passion
He can play the violin with gypsy passion.
b. Hy kan die viool bespeel met 'n sigeunerpassie.
he can the violin play-on with a gypsy passion
He can play the violin with gypsy passion.
VivA-KP, adapted
Example 47

a. Die spioen luister aandagtig na die gesprek.
the spy listen attentively to the conversation
The spy listens attentively to the conversation.
b. Ek het die storie so beluister.
I have.AUX.PST the story so listen.to.PST.PTCP
I just listened to the story.
VivA-KP
Example 48

a. Die vakbond argumenteer lank oor die lone.
the union argue long about the wages
The unions argue at length about the wages.
b. Hier beargumenteer Troost sy standpunt.
here argue Troost his standpoint
Here Troost argues his standpoint.
VivA-KP

While the PPs collocated with the non-prefixed verbs are Prepositional Objects since they are semantically related to the meaning of the verb, instances can be pointed out where the PPs are no more than locational or other adjuncts. Thus op die mureon the walls in (49b) may be no more than a locational indication of where painting took place. Also cf. the adjuncts of spring/bespringpounce (on) in (50) and klim/beklimclimb in (51).

Example 49

a. Hulle het die mure met dierefigure beskilder.
they have.AUX the walls with animal-figures paint.on.PST.PTCP
They painted pictures of animals on the walls.
VivA-KP
b. Hulle het dierefigure op die mure geskilder.
they have.AUX animal-figures on the walls PST.PTCP-paint
They painted pictures of animals on the walls.
Example 50

a. Dan bespring hulle die prooi.
then pounce.on they the prey
Then they pounce on the prey.
VivA-KP
b. Dan spring hulle op die prooi.
then pounce they on the prey
Then they pounce on the prey.
Example 51

a. Katvoet beklim hy die vyeboom.
cat-foot climb he the fig-tree
He climbs the fig-tree without a sound.
VivA-KP
b. Katvoet klim hy in die vyeboom op.
cat-foot climb he in the fig-tree up
He climbs the fig-tree without a sound.

Verbs with ver- prefixes may differ from their unprefixed correlates by expressing a pejorative sense. Note that ver- verbs may also express a difference of aspect by being telic rather than durative.

Example 52

a. Die olifante breek (aan) die takke.
the elephants break on the branches
The elephants are breaking amongst the branches.
b. Reynaert het die vrede wreed verbreek.
Reynaert have.AUX the peace cruelly violate.PST.PTCP
Reynaert violated the peace in a cruel manner.
Example 53

a. Julle trap nou (*heeltemal) op die blommetjies.
you.PL tread now entirely on the flowers.DIM
You are treading on the little flowers now.
b. Julle vertrap mos nou die blommetjies (heeltemal).
you.PL trample MOD.PART now the flowers.DIM completely
You are now trampling on all the little flowers, aren't you?

Correlations can be established between denominal ont- verbs, such as ontkurkto uncork in (54a) on the one hand, and reference to a corresponding noun, such as kurkcork as in (54b), on the other, without there being a constructional relationship.

Example 54

a. By die aandete ontkurk ons 'n bottel goeie Bordeaux.
at the evening-meal uncork we a bottle good Bordeaux
At dinner we uncork a bottle of good Bordeaux.
VivA-KP
b. Jy moet die kurk uit die bottel trek.
you.SG must the cork out the bottle draw
You should remove the cork from the bottle.
Example 55

a. Die ontwikkelaars ontbos die hele streek.
the developers deforest the entire area
The developers are deforesting the entire area.
b. Die ontwikkelaars verwyder al die bosse uit die landstreek.
the developers remove al the bushes out.of the region
The developers are removing all the bushes from the region.

A comparison between a prefixed verb such as beroofto rob and its a non-prefixed pendant roof to rob would suggest a switch in the role of the Accusative from THEME to SOURCE. While the Accusative in (56a) can only be sy rekenaarhis computer in the role of THEME, it must be homhim in the role of SOURCE in (56b). Only homhim (in the form of hyhe) can serve as Subject of a corresponding passive, as in (56c).

Example 56

a. Die skurke roof toe sy rekenaar (van hom).
the crooks rob then his computer from him
The crooks then robbed him of his computer.
b. Die skurke beroof hom toe (van sy rekenaar).
the crooks rob him then of his computer
The crooks then robbed him of his computer.
c. Hy word toe van sy rekenaar beroof.
he become.AUX.PASS.PRS then of his computer rob.PST.PTCP
He was then robbed of his computer.
d. *Sy rekenaar word toe beroof.
his computer become.AUX.PASS.PRS then rob.PST.PTCP
To mean: His computer was then robbed.

The switch is also in evidence in the alternation between spotto mock and bespotto scoff at, but while the Accusative of bespotto scoff at is the EXPERIENCER, as in (57a), spotto mock may select either EXPERIENCER (my) as Accusative or THEME (my siekte) as PP as role, as in (57b).

Example 57

a. Julle bespot my mos nou (oor my siekte).
you.PL scoff.at me MOD.PART now about my illness
Surely you are scoffing at me now about my illness.
b. Julle spot (my) mos nou (oor my siekte).
you.PL mock me MOD.PART now about my illness
Surely you are mocking me now about my illness.

Ontneemdeprive may also express THEME and SOURCE by means of PPs, cf. (58a) and (58b), respectively.

Example 58

a. dat hulle van hul grond ontneem sou word
COMP they from their land deprive.PST.PTCP would become.AUX.PASS.PRS
that they would be deprived of their land
VivA-KP
b. maar dit ontneem aan Farao nie sy verantwoordelikheid nie
COMP this deprive to Pharao not his responsibility NEG
but this doesn't deprive Pharao of his responsibility
VivA-KP

The prefixless verbs spuitto spray, plakto stick and laaito load require an Accusative as THEME, with an optional PP expressing RECIPIENT, while their pendants prefixed by be- require an Accusative in the role of RECIPIENT, with an optional PP expressing THEME or INSTRUMENT.

Example 59

a. Jan spuit gif (op die muskiet).
Jan spray poison on the mosquito
Jan is spraying poison on the mosquito.
b. Jan bespuit die muskiet (met gif).
Jan spray.on the mosquito with poison
Jan is spraying the mosquito with poison.
Example 60

a. Janet plak seëls (op die koevert).
Janet stick stamps on the envelop
Janet is sticking stamps on the envelop.
b. Janet beplak die koevert (met seëls).
Janet stick.on the envelop with stamps
Janet is sticking stamps on the envelop
Example 61

a. Jan laai kikoejoe (op sy bakkie).
Jan load Kikuyu on his pick-up
Jan is loading Kikuyu grass on his pick-up.
b. Jan belaai sy bakkie (met kikoejoe).
Jan load.on his bakkie with Kikuyu
Jan is loading his pick-up with Kikuyu grass.
References:
  • Kaisse, Ellen M1985Connected speech: the interaction of syntax and phonologySan DiegoAcademic Press
  • Molnárfi, L1997Proposisie of kasusmarkeerder?: oor die status van 'vir' in Afrikaans.Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe3789-106
  • Molnárfi, L1997Proposisie of kasusmarkeerder?: oor die status van 'vir' in Afrikaans.Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe3789-106
  • Molnárfi, L1997Proposisie of kasusmarkeerder?: oor die status van 'vir' in Afrikaans.Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe3789-106
  • Ponelis, F.A1979Afrikaanse SintaksisVan Schaik
  • Ponelis, F.A1979Afrikaanse SintaksisVan Schaik
  • Ponelis, F.A1979Afrikaanse sintaksis.Van Schaik
  • Ponelis, F.A1979Afrikaanse sintaksis.Van Schaik
  • Ponelis, F.A1979Afrikaanse sintaksis.Van Schaik
  • Raidt, E.H1969Die gebruik van 'vir' in objekskonstruksies.Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe930-49
  • Raidt, E.H1976Afrikaans en sy Europese verlede: van Tacitus tot Van Wyk Louw.Nasou
  • Van Schoor, J.L1983Die grammatika van standaard-Afrikaans.Lex Patria
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    [85%] Afrikaans > Phonology > Phonological Processes > Consonant related processes > Consonant cluster simplification: Overview
  • Rhotacism
    [84%] Afrikaans > Phonology > Phonological Processes > Consonant related processes
  • Quality alternation of back vowels
    [83%] Afrikaans > Phonology > Phonological Processes > Vowel related processes
  • Final devoicing
    [83%] Afrikaans > Phonology > Phonological Processes > Consonant related processes
  • Nasal assimilation
    [83%] Afrikaans > Phonology > Phonological Processes > Consonant related processes
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morphology
  • Dutch
  • Frisian
  • Afrikaans
  • Cardinal numbers
    [85%] Frisian > Morphology > Inflection > Numerals
  • Case
    [85%] Frisian > Morphology > Inflection > Nouns
  • General categories
    [84%] Frisian > Morphology > Inflection > Verbs
  • -DIM (diminutive)
    [84%] Frisian > Morphology > Word formation > Derivation > Suffixation > Nominal suffixes > Noun as base
  • In prenominal position
    [84%] Frisian > Morphology > Inflection > Adjectives
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syntax
  • Dutch
  • Frisian
  • Afrikaans
  • The regular passive
    [91%] Afrikaans > Syntax > Introduction to Verb Phrases > Alternations > Alternations involving the external argument > Passivisation
  • Root modality
    [91%] Afrikaans > Syntax > Introduction to Verb Phrases > Characterization and classification > Modality
  • Middle formation
    [90%] Afrikaans > Syntax > Introduction to Verb Phrases > Alternations > Alternations involving the external argument
  • Mood
    [89%] Afrikaans > Syntax > Introduction to Verb Phrases > Characterization and classification
  • Intransitive and pseudo-passives
    [88%] Afrikaans > Syntax > Introduction to Verb Phrases > Alternations > Alternations involving the external argument > Passivisation
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