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-ij and allomorphs
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-ij/ɛɪ/ is a stress-bearing suffix found in abstract and concrete nouns of common gender such as voogdijguardianship (< voogdguardian). A number of allomorphs occur: productive -(d)erij (/ərɛɪ/, /dərɛɪ/) (e.g. boerderijfarm < boerfarmer) and -arij (/arɛɪ/) (e.g. ambtenarijbureaucracy, cf. ambtenaarcivil servant), and unproductive -enij (/ənɛɪ/), -nij (/nɛɪ/), -ernij (/ərnɛɪ/), -dij (/dɛɪ/) and -elij (/əlɛɪ/). Bases are verbs and nouns of native and foreign origin. There are two basic meanings: either a particular kind of behaviour, or a hobby, profession or business. The suffix is also a source of synthetic compounds such as mooipraterijhumbug (< mooibeautiful and praattalk) and pretmakerijfun making (< pretfun and maakmake). Plural forms, if applicable, are in -en, e.g. bakkerijen/bɑ.kə.'rɛɪ.ən/bakeries.

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-ij/ɛɪ/ is a suffix of Romance origin that has almost completely been integrated into the Germanic part of the language system. It has two basic meanings: either a particular (sometimes annoying) kind of behaviour, or it refers to a hobby, profession or business(Hüning 1999): 213, (Booij 2002: 126). There are four productive allomorphs: ij (/ɛɪ/), -erij (/ərɛɪ/), -derij (/dərɛɪ/) and -arij (/arɛɪ/), as well as a number of unproductive ones: -enij (/ənɛɪ/), -nij (/nɛɪ/), -ernij (/ərnɛɪ/), -dij (/dɛɪ/) and -elij (/əlɛɪ/).

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The suffix -(er)ij is historically related to the French suffix -erie that has also been borrowed (again) as such in present-day Dutch, as shown by recent coinings such as condomeriecondom shop and baderiebathroom shop(Booij 2002: 126). The current form -erij is the result of diphthongization of the (long) /i/ and apocope of the final vowel of -(er)ië, which is obsolete but can still be seen as -ije in HongarijeHungary and LombardijeLombardyInstituut voor Nederlandse Lexicologie (1995). The oldest words in -(er)ie are borrowings: either Latin words in -ia or French ones in -ie, but forms like beckerie (cf. modern bakkerijbakery) (attested 1240) show the existence of an early indigenous productive suffix(Van der Sijs 2010). -ie often occurred after words in -er, which resulted in a new suffix -erie, of which gasteriehostel, inn (< gastguest) (ca. 1270) is the earliest instance: *gaster did and does not exist.

Unlike most other suffixes forming action nouns, -ij and its allomorphs also take nouns as bases, and are used to coin synthetic compounds as well. The table here (expanded after Booij (2002: 126)) gives an overview of the productive cases.

Table 1
Affix allomorph Derived noun Base category Base(s)
-ij voogdijguardianship N voogdguardian
kledijclothing V kleedto dress
ambtenarijbureaucracy N ambtenaarcivil servant
-erij dromerijdreaming V droomto dream
vliegerijthe world of flying V vliegto fly
bloemisterijflorist's shop N bloemistflorist
smeerlapperijfilthy behavior N smeerlapdirty fellow
mooipraterijhumbug A+V mooibeautiful, praatto talk
pretmakerijfun making N+V pretfun, maakto make
veelwijverijpolygamy Q+N veelmuch, wijfwoman
-derij promoveerderijgraduation V promoveerto graduate
boerderijfarm N boerfarmer
koffiemaalderijcoffee mill N+V koffiecoffee, maalto grind
-arij wandelarijwalking V wandelto walk
botersmokkelarijbutter smuggling A+V boterbutter, smokkelto smuggle
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In some cases it is unclear whether the basis is nominal or verbal(Haas 1993:238), (Haeseryn 1997): wandelarijwalking may be derived by means of -arij from the verb wandelto walk or from the noun wandelaarwalker, kledijclothing may be from the noun kleedcloth or from the verb kleedto dress, boerderijfarm may derive from the noun boerfarmer or from the verb boerto farm, etc. lekkernijdelicacy (< lekkerdelicious) and (woestenijwilderness < woestwild) are derived from adjectives.

Haplology can be seen in cases where the base ends in schwa plus /r/ such as slagerijbutchery (< slagerbutcher) and kosterijverger's house (< kosterverger, sacristan), the variant -dij is found in makelaardijbrokerage (< makelaarbroker) and in proosdijdeanery (< proostdean) and koopvaardijmerchant shipping (< koopbuy and vaartsailing) (De Haas and Trommelen 1993: 239), whereas the variants -ij and -dij are found only after the suffix -schap and after dental consonants ( maatschappijsociety, dwingelandijtyranny (< dwingelandtyrant)). -ernij occurs in slavernijslavery razernijfrenzy zotternijfolly and spotternijmockery, -elij in makelijproduce (< makento make), -enij in artsenijmedicament (< artsmedical doctor). If the base is a verbal stem ending in /schwa l/, we get -arij ( ans.ruhosting.nl/e-ans/12/03/01/04/05/05/body.html): bottelarijbottling plant, kietelarijtickling, wandelarijwalking.
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Rather than assuming an allomorph -ij in voogdijguardianship (voogdguardian), one might also think of -dij plus degemination. There is vowel lengthening or stem allomorphy in smederijsmithy < smidblacksmith.

Derivations in -ij and its allomorphs are of common gender, selecting the singular definite article de. The only exception is schilderijpainting, which is usually of neuter gender (with the singular definite article het) but is of common gender when it has the more abstract meaning the activity of painting.

Following Instituut voor Nederlandse Lexicologie (1995) we can distinguish a number of uses and meanings of -ij and its allomorphs:

  • when the basis is a noun denoting a person, the derivation may denote:
    • a state, job, etc., e.g. slavernijslavery (< slaafslave) or voogdijguardianship (< voogdguardian);
    • a place or building where one works, etc., e.g. houtvesterijforestry (< houtvesterforester) or abdijabbey (related to abtabbot);
    • an act or behaviour, etc., e.g. ketterijheresy (< ketterheretic) or dwingelandijtyranny (< dwingelandtyrant);
    • a business or the place where a business is being carried out, e.g. bloemisterijflorist (< bloemistflorist) or drogisterijdrugstore (< drogistdruggist).
  • when the basis is a deverbal noun derived by means of -er or -aar, the derivation may denote:
    • an act, usually done repeatedly or continuously, e.g. bedelarijmendicancy (< bedelaarbeggar) or schijterijdiarrhoea (< schijtershitter or schijtento shit); a related meaning is found in synthetic compounds such as harddraverijharness (horse) race (< hardfast and dravento trot);
    • a business or the location of this business, e.g. boekbinderijbindery (< boekbook and binderbinder) or stokerijdistillery (< stokerdistiller).
  • when the basis is a noun or a verbal stem, the derivation may denote:
    • a product, e.g. artsenijmedicine (< artsdoctor) or schilderijpainting (< schilderento paint);
    • a collective, e.g. burgerijcitizenry (< burgercitizen) or kledijclothing (< kledento dress).
  • when the basis is a derived noun, the derivation is in a sense superfluous, e.g. heerschappijlordship (< heerschapheer-schaplordship) and maatschappijsociety (< maatschapsociety).

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Haeseryn (1997: 674) treats -ij in collectives derived from nouns such as burgerijcitizenry (< burgercitizen) and ruiterijcavalry (< ruiterhorseman) as a separate suffix.

The only case where a female profession may have been input to this type of derivation is hoererijwhoredom (< hoerprostitute), but note that there is also a verb hoererento whore, to fornicate.

For many words in -erij and -arij it is unclear whether they are deverbal or denominal: voetballerijsoccer playing may be analyzed as voetbalsoccer, soccer ball (N orV?) + -erij, but also as voetballersoccer player + -ij(Haeseryn et al. 1997: 672), (Booij 2002: 127)). De Haas and Trommelen (1993: 237-8) argue that we are dealing with simplex suffixes -arij and -(d)erij, that is, that we should not analyse formations with them as -ij derivations of the personal nouns in -aar or -(d)er, as verbal stems ending in schwa plus /r/ do allow for personal noun formation in -aar (e.g. woekeraar and verzekeraar), but not for -arij derivations (no *woekerarij or *verzekerarij). (Haeseryn et al. 1997: 672), however, stress the fact that the distribution of -erij vs. -arij is almost parallel to that of -er vs. -aar, which can be taken as an argument that derivations -erij and -arij are best analyzed as -ij derivations of -er and -aar formations, respectively. Construction Morphology(Booij 2010) allows for a merger of two derivational processes, which can be captured in the unified schemas [[X –er]ij] and [[X –aar]ij].

There is a small number of formations in -ij without a corresponding base in (current) Dutch, such as partijparty, snuisterijtrinket and specerijspice.

Hüning (1995) observes that a lot of Dutch derivations in -erij, as well as the word formation process, have been adopted in Afrikaans. Over time, however, the Afrikaans system has changed considerably:

  • the stress behavior of the suffix has changed: stress is no longer on the suffix but on the stem;
  • the -arij variant has been replaced by -ry, which is unknown in Dutch;
  • in general, the semantics of Afrikaans -ery derivations is more abstract (denoting more an action) than Dutch derivations with -erij;
  • -ery is more productive than, and appears to take over the function of, nominalizing ge-;
  • Afrikaans -ery is less restricted than Dutch -erij, e.g., -ery can combine with modal verbs (e.g. willery < wilto want);
  • Afrikaans has developed a new word formation process combining ge- and -ry resulting in intensifying readings (e.g. dis 'n verskriklike gebrandewynsuiperythis-is a terrible brandy-boozing.

The suffix and all its allomorphs are stress-bearing, with stress on /ɛɪ/.

Derivations in -ij easily enter into compounds, both as left-hand part (e.g. maatschappijleersociology) and as right-hand part (e.g. zorgboerderijcare farmhostiebakkerijwafer bakery). Plurals (when applicable) are formed with the suffix in -en, diminutives (when applicable) are predictably formed with the allomorph -tje (boerderijtjesmall farm). Occasionally, -ij derivations are input to further derivation (voogdijschapguardianship < voogdijguardianship).

References:
  • Booij, Geert2002The morphology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
  • Booij, Geert2002The morphology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
  • Booij, Geert2002The morphology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
  • Booij, Geert2002The morphology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
  • Booij, Geert2010Construction morphologyOxford/New YorkOxford University Press
  • Haas, Wim de & Trommelen, Mieke1993Morfologisch handboek van het Nederlands. Een overzicht van de woordvormingSDU Uitgeverij
  • Haas, Wim de & Trommelen, Mieke1993Morfologisch handboek van het Nederlands. Een overzicht van de woordvormingSDU Uitgeverij
  • Haas, Wim de & Trommelen, Mieke1993Morfologisch handboek van het Nederlands. Een overzicht van de woordvormingSDU Uitgeverij
  • Haeseryn, Walter, Romijn, Kirsten, Geerts, Guido, Rooij, Jaap de & Toorn, Maarten C. van den1997Algemene Nederlandse spraakkunstGroningenNijhoff
  • Haeseryn, Walter, Romijn, Kirsten, Geerts, Guido, Rooij, Jaap de & Toorn, Maarten C. van den1997Algemene Nederlandse spraakkunstGroningenNijhoff
  • Haeseryn, Walter, Romijn, Kirsten, Geerts, Guido, Rooij, Jaap de & Toorn, Maarten C. van den1997Algemene Nederlandse spraakkunstGroningenNijhoff
  • Haeseryn, Walter, Romijn, Kirsten, Geerts, Guido, Rooij, Jaap de & Toorn, Maarten C. van den1997Algemene Nederlandse spraakkunstGroningenNijhoff
  • Hüning, Matthias1995Woordvorming met -ery in het AfrikaansLeuvense Bijdragen84505-517
  • Hüning, Matthias1999Woordensmederij. De geschiedenis van het suffix -erijUtrechtLOT
  • Instituut voor Nederlandse Lexicologie1995Het Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal (WNT)
  • Instituut voor Nederlandse Lexicologie1995Het Woordenboek der Nederlandsche Taal (WNT)
  • Sijs, Nicoline van der2010Etymologiebank, http://etymologiebank.nl/
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