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Stress in prefixed words
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In Frisian, we can distinguish between two groups of prefixes. The differences between these groups are given in the table below (based on Hoekstra (1998:63):

Table 1
Group A Group B
stressed unstressed
attaches to nouns and adjectives attaches to verbs
modifying transposing/mutating
Group A contains the majority of prefixes. Group B consists of ge-, be-, fer-, te-, ûnt-, mis-, and wjer-. The prefixes ûnt-, mis-, and wjer- have a full vowel, so they can bear stress, for which reason they can also be placed in Group A. Since their only vowel is schwa, be-, ge-, fer-, and te- cannot be stressed for independent reasons (see the Schwa restriction).

More details about prefixation can be found in the introduction to prefixation.

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[+] Prefixation of nouns

Prefixes which combine with nouns and contain a full vowel attract primary stress. As to this, these derivations behave like nominal compounds and thus receive stress according to the Nominal Compound Stress Rule (see Stress in compounds with two constituents). There are four types of prefixes which combine with nouns; see the overview in (1), which is based on Hoekstra (1998:63-71)):

Example 1

a. Prefixes that indicate a relationship
      oarre- [vwarə] oarreheit ['vwar.rə.ha jt] grandfather
      oer- [uər] oerpake ['uər.pa:.kə] great-grandfather
      bet- [bɛt] betoerpake ['bɛt.uər.pa:.kə] great-great-grandfather
      âld- [ɔ:t] âldomke ['ɔ:t.om.kə] great-uncle
      efter- [ɛftər] efterneef ['ɛf.tər.ne:f] first cousin once removed
      skoan- [skwan] skoanheit ['skwan.hajt] father-in-law
      foar- [fwar] foarbern ['fwar.bɛ:n] child by previous marriage
      heal- [jɛl] healbroer ['jɛl.bruər] half-brother
      pot- [pɔt] potsuster ['pɔt.søs.tər] stepsister
      kalf- [kɔlf] kalfsuster ['kɔlf.søs.tər] stepsister
      kâld- [kɔ:t] kâldsuster ['kɔ:t.søs.tər] stepsister
      styf- [stif] styfbern ['stiv.bɛ:n] stepchild
b. Prefixes that indicate a status
      oer- [uər] oertiid ['uər.ti:t] prehistoric times
      oar- [o͜ər] oarsprong ['oər.sproŋ] origin
      aarts- [a:ts] aartsfader ['a:ts.fa:.dər] patriarch
      âld- [ɔ:t] âld-leksikograaf ['ɔ:t.lɛk.si.ko:.ɡra:f] former lexicographer
      eks- [ɛks] eks-ponghâlder ['ɛks.poŋ.hɔ:.dər] former banker
      ûnder- [undər] ûnderoffisier ['un.dər.ɔf.fi.siər] non-commissioned officer
      vice- [fizə] vice-presidint ['fi.zə.pre:.zi.dɪnt] vice president
      haad- [ha:t] haadkommissaris ['ha:t.kom.mə.sa:.rəs] chief
c. Prefixes that indicate an opposite/negative meaning
      net- [nɛt] net-smoker ['nɛt.smo:.kər] non-smoker
      ûn- [un] ûnlân ['ũ.lɔ:n] unfruitful ground
      wan- [vɔn] wanferhâlding ['vɔ̃.fər.hɔ:.dɪŋ] disproportion
      mis- [mɪs] misbegryp ['mɪz.bə.ɡrip] misunderstanding
      rot- [rɔt] rotbaas ['rɔd.ba:s] miserable manager
      skyt- [skit] skytputsje ['skit.pøtsjə] easy job
      stront- [stront] strontfint ['stront.fɪnt] miserable guy [this prefix also occurs with adjectives]
d. The prefix wjer-
      wjer- [vjɛr] wjerheak ['vjɛr.hɪək] barb
      wjer- [vjɛr] wjerstân ['vjɛr.stɔ:n] resistance
      wjer- [vjɛr] wjerwurd ['vjɛr.vøt] reply
[+] Prefixation of adjectives

Prefixations of adjectives with a full vowel-prefix have stress on the adjective, while the prefix bears extra prominence. In adjectival compounds, stress is also on the adjective (the second part), while the first part has extra prominence (see Hoekstra (1998:71) and also Stress in adjectival compounds). Adjectival prefixations and adjectival compounds thus have comparable stress patterns. Examples of adjectival prefixations are 'poerTSJUSTERvery dark and 'ûnFRYSKcontrary to what is supposed to be typically Frisian (capitals denote primary stress, ' denotes the extra prominence). In lexicalized prefixation stress can shift to the adjective (which is indicated by capitals): ûnDOGENSnaughty, trochWIETsoaking wet (see Hoekstra (1998:71)).

There are four types of adjectival prefixes; see the overview in (2), which is based on Hoekstra (1998:71-79):

Example 2

a. Normal intensifying prefixes
      troch- [trox] trochsiik [trox.'siik] thoroughly sick
      yn- [in] ynwyt [ĩ.'vit] deathly pale
      oer- [uər] oerryp [uər.'rip] overripe
      poer- [puər] poermin [puər.'mɪn] very bad
      witte- [vɪtə] witteâld [vɪt.tə.'ɔ:t] very old
      stront- [stront] strontlet [stront.'lɛt] very late
      alderbalder- [ɔldərbɔldər] alderbalderbêst [ɔl.dər.bɔl.dər.'bɛ:st] extremely good/well
b. Other intensifying prefixes
      brân- [brɔ:n] brânskjin [brɔ̃:.'skjɪn] spotless
      fjoer- [fjuər] fjoerread [fjuər.'rɪəd] scarlet
      gleon- [ɡløən] gleonhyt [ɡløən.'hit] red-hot
      stapel- [sta:pəl] stapeldronken [sta:.pəl.'droŋ.kən] very drunk
      spier- [spiər] spierneaken [spiər.'nɪə.kən] stark naked
      stôk- [stɔ:k] stôkrjocht [stɔ:k.'rjoxt] dead straight
      stien- [stiən] stienkâld [stiəŋ.'kɔ:t] freezing
      smoar- [smoər] smoardrok [smoər.'drok] hectic
      dea- [dɪə] deawurch [dɪə.'vørx] dead tired
c. Privative prefixes
      ûn- [un] ûntankber [un.'taŋɡ.bər] ungrateful
      wan- [vɔn] wangeunstich [vɔŋ.'ɡø̃:s.təx] envious
      a- [a:] akollegiaal [a:.kol.le:.ɣi.'ja:l] disloyal to one's colleagues
      yn- [in] ynkapabel [iŋ.ka.'pa:.bəl] incompetent
d. Prefix eigen-
      eigen- [ajɣən] eigenboud [aj.ɣəm.'bɔwt] grown by oneself, home-grown
[+] Prefixation of verbs

In general, prefixes attached to verb stems do not carry stress. The prefixes concerned are ge-, be-, fer-, te-, ûnt-, mis-, and wjer-. An overview, taken from Hoekstra (1998:144-151), is given in (3):

Example 3

be- [bə] bebuorkje [bə.'bwor.kjə] to run (of a farm)
ge- [ɡə] gefjocht [ɡə.fjoxt] fight
fer- [fər] ferbaare [fə.'ba:.nə] to burn
te- [tə] tebrekke [tə.'brɛk.kə] break (in)to pieces
ûnt- [unt] ûntkomme [unt.'kom.mə] to escape
mis- [mɪs] misfoarmje [mɪs.'fwarm.jə] to deform
wjer- [vjɛr] wjerhâlde [vjɛr.'hɔ:.də] to prevent

Because it bears stress, the non-native prefix hyper-, as in hyperfentilearje['hi.pər.fɛn.ti.ljɛr.jə]to hyperventilate, is an exception to this pattern; extra prominence is on the verb here.

[+] Non-native prefixes

Primary word stress is never on non-native prefixes. The latter can carry secondary stress if there is at least one intervening syllable between (the first syllable of) the prefix and the syllable with primary word stress. As to this, words with non-native prefixes behave like simplex words. These have secondary stress on their initial syllable, provided that the second syllable does not carry primary stress; adjacent stresses within a prosodic word are disallowed, the syllables concerned must be separated by at least one unstressed syllable (see the Alternating Stress Principle). Consider the following list of non-native prefixes:

Example 4

apatysk [a.'pa:.tisk] apathetic
adheezje [at.'he:z.jə] adhesion
antysemyt [ˌan.ti.se:.'mit] anti-Semite
apoteoaze [ˌa.po:.te:.'joə.zə] apotheosis
konfetti [kõ.'fɛt.ti] confetti
deteksje [de:.'tɛk.sjə] detection
inklusyf [ˌiŋ.kly.'sif] inclusive
yntermezzo [ˌin.tər.'mɛt.so:] intermezzo
perforator [ˌpɛr.fo:.'ra:.tɔr] perforator
prelude [pre:.'ly.də] prelude
represje [re:.'prɛs.jə] repression
transponearje [ˌtrans.po:.'njɛr.jə] to transpose

Monosyllabic prefixes have secondary stress if the base word does not have initial stress, while polysyllabic prefixes with a stressable first syllable always have initial secondary stress. Consider, for instance, the word represje[re:.'prɛs.jə]repression, with the prefix re-. Since the prefix is followed by the main-stressed syllable of the word, it remains unstressed. This means that the vowel of the prefix can optionally reduce to schwa ([rə.'prɛs.jə]), which is an indication that main stress directly follows the prefix. Vowel reduction, however, is impossible in a verb like representearje[ˌre:.pre:.sɪn.'tjɛr.jə]to represent. Since primary stress is not adjacent to the prefix here, secondary stress is assigned to the initial syllable ‒ it does not result in a stress clash ‒ so the vowel of the prefix cannot undergo reduction. As the phonological make-up of these prefixed words usually resembles that of simplex words, whereas their meaning is not transparently compositional, it is often questionable whether these prefixes still classify as such, or whether they rather form an undivided whole with the base word.

[+] Nativized prefixes

The main distinction between non-native and nativized prefixes lies in their combinability with native base words. While non-native prefixes cannot combine with native base words, nativized prefixes can; in fact, some of them can even occur as independent words. Examples of nativized prefixes are anty-, ko-, kontra-, des-, eks-, ynter-, meta-, non-, para-, pro-, semy-, sub-, super-, and ultra-. Words derived with prefixes which can also occur as an independent word, look very much like compounds. Notably, when combined with nouns, these prefixes always have primary stress; secondary stress is on the base word, even when this results in a stress clash. Consider the examples in (5):

Example 5

antyheld ['an.ti.ˌhɛlt] antihero
ko-produsint ['ko:.pro:.dy.ˌsɪnt] co-producer
kontra-spionaazje ['kon.tra.spi.jo:.ˌna:z.jə] counterespionage
desylluzje ['dɛz.i.ˌlyz.jə] disillusion
eks-keizer ['ɛks.kaj.zər] ex-emperor
ynternet ['in.tər.ˌnɛt] internet
meta-taal ['me:.ta:.ˌta:l] metalanguage
non-fiksje ['non.ˌfɪk.sjə] non-fiction
semyprof ['se.mi.ˌprɔf] semi-pro
subkategory ['søp.kat.tə.ɡoə.ˌri] subcategory
supermacht ['sy.pər.ˌmaxt] superpower
ultrasintrifúzje ['øl.tra:.sɪn.tri.ˌfy:z.jə] ultracentrifuge
[hide extra information]
x

The words non-fiksje['non.ˌfɪk.sjə]non-fiction, semyprof['se.mi.ˌprɔf]semi-pro, and ultrasintrifúzje['øl.tra:.sɪn.tri.ˌfy:z.jə]ultracentrifuge can also have primary stress on the base word and secondary stress on the first syllable: [ˌnon.'fɪk.sjə], [ˌse.mi.'prɔf], and[ˌøl.tra:.sɪn.tri.'fy:z.jə].

When combined with adjectives, nativized prefixes do not bear primary stress. This is on the adjective, though only in predicative position. If the adjective is in attributive position, primary stress shifts leftwards onto the prefix. This was noted for Dutch by Langeweg (1988); it also holds for Frisian. See the examples in (6):

Example 6

ynterkontinintaal [ˌin.tər.kon.ti.nɪn.'ta:l] intercontinental
pro-Frysk [ˌpro:.'frisk] pro-Frisian
paranormaal [ˌpa:.ra:.nɔr.'ma:l] paranormal
paramedysk [ˌpa:.ra.'me:.disk] paramedical
ultramodern [ˌøl.tra:.mo:.'dɛrn] very modern
[+] The 'special' behavior of the prefix ûn- in combination with adjectives

When combined with adjectives, the prefix ûn- shows a special behaviour (this also holds for the Dutch prefix on-: Van den Berg (1970), Schultink (1979), Booij (1995)): usually, ûn- is unstressed when the adjective is in predicative position (stress is realized on the stem), but it regularly receives stress when the adjective ends up in attributive position. See the examples in (7):

Example 7

Dy fint is ûnaardich [un.'a:.dəx] That chap is unkind
vs.
dy ûnaardige fint ['un.a:.də.ɣə] that unkind chap

In predicative position, however, stress can be realized on ûn-, in order to underline the negative meaning of the adjective as a whole. For Dutch on-, the same is noted by Booij (1995:123)). This is not possible with adjectives where the prefix has become semantically opaque:

Example 8

Jan is ûnaardich ['un.a:.dəx] Jan is really unkind
(focus on the negative meaning; the positive counterpart of ûnaardich is aardich ['a:.dəx] kind )
vs
*Jan is ûndogens [*'un.do:.ɣə̃s] Jan is naughty
(the adjective ûndogens does not have the positive counterpart *dogens well-behaved, obedient )

In case the negative adverb netnot is added, the stress pattern of derivations with the prefix ûn- does not change. A possible explanation for this could be that net always has a rather high degree of prominence, so that shifting stress to the prefix would result in two adjacent stresses. See the example in (9):

Example 9

Dat oanbod is net ûnaardich [un.'a:.dəx] That offer is not bad
vs
In net ûnaardich oanbod [un.'a:.dəx] [*'un.a:.dəx] A not so bad offer
References:
  • Berg, Boudewijn van den1970Het woordaccent van afleidingen met het prefix on-De Nieuwe TaalgidsVan Haeringen-issue1-15
  • Booij, Geert1995The phonology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
  • Booij, Geert1995The phonology of DutchOxfordOxford University Press
  • Hoekstra, Jarich1998Fryske wurdfoarmingLjouwertFryske Akademy
  • Hoekstra, Jarich1998Fryske wurdfoarmingLjouwertFryske Akademy
  • Hoekstra, Jarich1998Fryske wurdfoarmingLjouwertFryske Akademy
  • Hoekstra, Jarich1998Fryske wurdfoarmingLjouwertFryske Akademy
  • Hoekstra, Jarich1998Fryske wurdfoarmingLjouwertFryske Akademy
  • Hoekstra, Jarich1998Fryske wurdfoarmingLjouwertFryske Akademy
  • Langeweg, S. J1988The stress system of DutchUniversity of LeidenThesis
  • Schultink, Henk1979Reacties op 'stress clash': de accentuering van samenstellende afleidingen, afleidingen van composita, en composita in het Nederlands: een eerste terreinverkenningSpektator8195-208
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