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The nominal quantifier
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The nominal quantifier does not exhibit any agreement with the partitive adjective. The quantifiers appearing in the indefinite partitive adjective construction have the following properties: they are indefinite or they are non-count.

Numerals are excluded from the partive adjective construction, which bears out its noun-count character. The indefiniteness of the quantifiers is clear from the following tests.

First, they may appear in the indefiniteness construction with the marker of indefiniteness der there:

Example 1

Der is in protte nuvers te beharkjen
there is a lot strange to listen.to
There are a lot of strange things to be heard

Second, these quantifiers, without following partitive, may appear preceding an attributive adjective within a Noun Phrase (NP). In that case, they trigger strong (or indefinite) agreement on the adjective, as illustrated below:

Example 2

In protte kâld bier
a lot cold.SA beer.NG
A lot of cold beer

Weak (definite) agreement is illustrated below:

Example 3

It kâlde bier
the cold.WA beer.NG
The cold beer

Four types of indefinite nominal quantifiers are found in the indefinite adjectival partitive construction: absolute: eat something, neat nothing, relative: folle much, many, genôch enough, indefinite article + noun of amount (these are the relative quantifiers: in protte a lot, in soad a lot) and interrogative wat what + preposition (this involves the sequences: wat, wat foar, wat oan what sort of).

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